DOI: https://doi.org/10.26758/15.1.25
(1) (2) University of Tirana, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Pedagogy and Psychology, Albania, e-mails: edi_rapti@yahoo.com; sula@ymail.com
Address correspondence to: Angela SULA, University of Tirana, Faculty of Social Sciences, Bulevardi “Gjergj Fishta”, Tirana, Albania, 1001. Ph.: +355695606011; E-mail: angela.sula@ymail.com
Abstract
Objectives. The purpose of this study was to examine the distinct correlations between shame, guilt, and depressive symptoms in Albanian students. Self-conscious emotions, particularly the shame and the guilt, play a significant role in how individuals evaluate themselves and interact with the others. When experienced intensely or chronically, these emotions have been linked to various forms of psychopathology, including depression. In exploring these variable relations, this study aims to clarify the unique contributions of shame and guilt to the depressive symptomatology in the emerging adulthood. The current research seeks to enhance the understanding of shame and guilt and their distinct psychological impacts and contribute to refining the psychological models of the emotional regulation and distress.
Material and methods. A total of 349 students, aged 18 to 28, participated in this study, taking into consideration that this age range represents a pivotal stage of emerging adulthood marked by significant identity development, emotional regulation challenges and increased susceptibility to self-conscious emotions and mental health issues. The Test of Self-Conscious Affect (TOSCA-3) was used in order to assess shame and guilt-proneness, and the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) was administered with the aim to evaluate the severity of the depressive symptoms. Statistical analysis focused on correlations between these variables.
Results. The results revealed a significant positive correlation between the shame and the depressive symptoms, meaning that the students who experienced higher levels of shame also reported more severe depressive symptoms. Conversely, the guilt was also associated with depression, but this correlation was less pronounced compared to shame.
Conclusions. The findings highlight the critical role of shame in the development of the depressive symptoms, illustrating how the pervasive feelings of the inadequacy may undermine the mental well-being. The study emphasizes the need for the mental health interventions that specifically target shame-proneness to mitigate its detrimental impact on the depression in emerging adults, promoting the emotional resilience.
Keywords: shame, guilt, depression, self-conscious emotions, students.
Suggested citation (APA)
Rapti, E., & Sula, A. (2025). Exploring the impact of self-conscious emotions: The role of shame and guilt in depression among Albanian students. Anthropological Researches and Studies, 15, 379-392. https://doi.org/10.26758/15.1.25
Introduction
The self-conscious emotions of shame and guilt have attracted considerable attention in the recent years across the various disciplines, including the social research, the clinical psychology and the developmental psychology. This interest stems from the emotionally charged and impactful nature of these emotions, which yield significant insights into human behavior. Shame is typically conceptualized as a belief that one’s entire self is flawed, whereas guilt is understood as the belief that one has committed a specific wrongdoing (Gilbert, 2001). According to Gilliland, South, Carpenter, and Hardy (2011), individuals who attempt to shield themselves from the distress of shame may withdraw from the social interactions and engage in some self-critical thinking patterns, which may contribute to the development of the depressive symptoms. The negative self-evaluation, a core aspect of shame proneness, is a significant factor in the persistence of depressive symptoms. This process involves a complex interplay of mechanisms with strong theoretical links to depression (Beck, 1963). Key components of negative self-evaluation include shame proneness, self-criticism, and a low self-esteem, each of which has been empirically supported as a correlate and predictor of the depressive symptoms (Auerbach, Ho, & Kim, 2014; Dunkley, Sanislow, Grilo, & McGlashan, 2009; Ehret, Joorman, & Berking, 2014; Kim, Thibodeau, & Jorgensen, 2011; Orth, Berking, & Burkhardt, 2006; Rice, Fallon, & Bambling, 2011; Sowislo & Orth, 2013). The experience of shame is characterized by a sense of the self being flawed thus; the focus of the negative evaluation is the entire self which is impaired by a global devaluation (Lewis, 1972).
The emerging adulthood often brings a range of social and psychological challenges, including the identity formation, the establishment of the personal autonomy, the development and the consolidation of the interpersonal relationships and the career orientation (Schwartz, Côté & Arnett, 2005). To describe this distinct developmental stage, spanning from ages 18 to 29, Arnett (2000) introduced the term of “emerging adulthood,” characterizing it as a unique phase positioned between the adolescence and the full adulthood.
During this developmental phase, the individuals encounter increased responsibilities, career-related decision-making and the formation of their interpersonal relationships. They also become more aware of their social roles and strive to establish a stable social status. Emotional experiences, particularly shame and guilt, play a significant role during this transitional period. While often conflated, these emotions differ in focus and implications. The shame is associated with a negative evaluation of the self, whereas guilt pertains to regret over the specific actions (Tangney & Dearing, 2002). The distinct experiences of these emotions during emerging adulthood may have profound impacts on the psychological maladjustment.
Extensive empirical research has explored the role of shame and guilt in the onset and maintenance of the psychological maladjustment (Tangney, Miller, Flicker, & Barlow, 1996). Findings consistently indicate that shame is associated with a range of psychopathologies, including the depression (Andrews, 1995; Grabe, Hyde, & Lindberg, 2007; Harper & Arias, 2004; Luby et al., 2009; Stuewig & McCloskey, 2005; Thompson & Berenbaum, 2006), the anger (Harper & Arias, 2004), the social phobia (Helsel, 2005), the borderline personality disorder (Rüsch et al., 2007) and the post-traumatic stress disorder following the sexual abuse (Feiring & Taska, 2005). Comparative studies between shame and guilt have demonstrated that shame is a critical factor in the development of the various maladaptive emotional responses, such as anger, resentment, irritability, a tendency to blame others, somatization, obsessive-compulsive disorder, interpersonal sensitivity, low empathetic responsiveness, self-oriented personal distress, anxiety, hostility, depression and psychoticism (Tangney, Wagner, Fletcher, & Gramzow, 1992; Tangney, 1991; Tangney & Dearing, 2002; Tangney, Stuewig, & Mashek, 2007; Wright, O’Leary, & Balkin, 1989).
These findings suggest that the shame may be more psychologically painful than the guilt, as it involves not only the self-criticism but also it heightened the sensitivity to the external judgment. Despite the fact that the clinical literature emphasizes guilt as an important feature of psychopathology, several studies show that shame is associated with psychopathology in the same or even a greater extent than the guilt (Fergus, Valentiner, McGrath, & Jencius, 2010; Kim, Thibodeau, & Jorgensen, 2011; Pineles, Street, & Koenen, 2006; Tangney et al., 1992). Benedict’s (1967) conceptualization of shame as an external sanction and O’Hear (1977) notion of “public shame – experienced as a result of being judged by others – highlight the social dimension of this emotion. Individuals prone to shame often find self-criticism unbearable due to their low self-esteem, leading them to project their critical self-image onto others and perceive themselves as being judged by those around them (Tangney & Dearing, 2002; Rüsch et al., 2007). This theoretical perspective underscores the profound impact of shame on critical areas of life, particularly those essential for the self-development such as socialization.
The shame plays a vital role in the social identity (Kaufman, 1974) and it is closely linked to the self-esteem, as the essence of shame lies in self-evaluation and concern with how a human is perceived by the others (Gilbert, 2001). According to Ayers (2003), shame is a complex psychological phenomenon, often arising from feelings of embarrassment about one’s self or about the social interactions. Shame, as a self-conscious emotion, has been described as an aversive self-experience characterized by feelings of defectiveness, failure, and the exposure of personal inadequacies (Kaufman, 1989; Lewis, 1992; Gilbert, 1998; Tangney & Dearing, 2002; Tangney & Fisher, 1995). Despite its negative connotations, shame is fundamental to the social existence and the self-identity (Lewis, 1992; Tangney & Dearing, 2002; Tracy & Robins, 2004). This emotion is known for its association with the self-defeating thoughts, the emotional avoidance and the denial (Tangney et al., 1996), often leading to a social isolation and withdrawal (Rüsch et al., 2007). The isolating nature of shame perpetuates a chronic cycle of emotional turmoil, making it difficult for some individuals to escape from the grips of shame, despite their efforts to do so (Brown, 2006). The shame tends to internalize and globalize negative experiences, leading individuals to interpret events as reflections of their inherent unworthiness (Tangney, 1991; Tangney et al., 1996, 2007). Individuals experiencing shame often engage in self-defeating thought patterns and internal attribution of blame, particularly in response to the negative life events (Pineles et al., 2006; Tangney, 2001; Tangney & Tracy, 2011).
We may say that shame is typically classified as an avoidance-based emotion, compelling individuals to withdraw and hide. It is often experienced within the context of the interpersonal relationships, where an individual’s shame is linked to the perceived judgment of a group. Conversely, guilt is an approach-oriented emotion that motivates individuals to repair or rectify their perceived wrongdoings (Burnett & Lunsford, 1994). As such, guilt may be seen as a more adaptive emotion, encouraging the reparative actions. Guilt is often triggered by an individual’s perception of having violated a personal or a social norm (Gausel & Leech, 2011). The contemporary literature frequently discusses the idea that guilt is generally associated with more favorable outcomes than shame (Tangney & Dearing, 2002). However, some studies have also identified a connection between guilt and depression, potentially because the problematic guilt is often intertwined with feelings of shame. When guilt becomes generalized (“I did something wrong”) and transforms into a global self-assessment (“…and I am a bad person”), it may exacerbate the negative impact of guilt, leading to depressive symptoms (Batson et al., 1987; Tracy & Robins, 2004).
The self-esteem is a well-established psychological construct, defined by Branden (1994) as an individual’s belief in their own worthiness and capability to handle life’s challenges. The self-esteem is shaped by one’s positive or negative self-assessment relative to the others (Reilly, Rochlen, & Awad, 2014). The low self-esteem is often cited as a key vulnerability factor for depression, influencing its onset and the maintenance through various mechanisms (Orth & Robins, 2013). According to Branden (1994), the self-esteem is a fundamental human need, essential for the continued functioning of positive, productive activities in areas such as relationships, work and education. Rosenberg (1965) described self-esteem as a self-related construct encompassing the self-worth, the efficacy and the adequacy (as cited in Gilbert & Procter, 2006). Research by Gilbert and Procter (2006) has shown that low self-esteem increases vulnerability to the negative emotional states such as shame. Similarly, Wells, Glickauf-Hughes, and Jones (1999) argue that the high levels of shame were associated with low self-esteem due to the flaws and deficiencies perceived during experiences of shame. This correlation is particularly significant because low self-esteem is strongly linked to the depressive symptoms (Johnson & O’Brien, 2013).
Recent studies have been further elaborated on the complex nature of shame, categorizing it as an emotion that significantly impacts the self-judgment and the social functioning. Shame has been described by Brown as “a painful feeling or experience of believing that the self as a whole is defective and, therefore, unworthy of love and belonging”. While shame is a deeply personal experience, it is frequently influenced by the presence or perceived judgment of others (Tangney, 2002). The term “shame” itself originates from the Indo-European word “skam” meaning “to hide” (Gilbert, 2001). In contrast, guilt is typically understood as a negative judgment of specific behaviors. Individuals who are prone to shame, like those with low self-esteem, often engage in maladaptive interpersonal behaviors, which may increase their risk for depression. Shame responses to the interpersonal conflict which have been found to predict lower relationship satisfaction and higher levels of depression, even after controlling some factors like rumination and affect regulation (Black, Curran, & Dyer, 2013; Rice et al., 2011). Given the interrelated nature of shame and guilt, these emotions are often studied together, as they share similar impacts on the self-evaluation, the mental health and the interpersonal functioning (Tangney, 2002).
However, much of the existing literature focuses on the Western contexts, leaving the critical cultural nuances underexplored. Shame and guilt, as deeply rooted social emotions, may be manifested in different various cultural settings. In the Albanian context, the collectivistic norms and standards, the emphasis on family honor, and the societal expectations regarding the morality and the reputation likely shape the experience and the expression of these emotions. Despite their potential importance, the empirical investigations into shame and guilt within the Albanian context remain scarce. This lack of extensive research is particularly significant being given the cultural predisposition toward the internalizing emotional struggles and the societal stigma surrounding the mental health discourse.
To address this research gap, the current study takes a culturally sensitive approach with the aim to investigate the relationship between shame, guilt, and mental health outcomes in the emerging adulthood. It aims to explore how these emotions interact with the psychological well-being and the mental health issues, such as depression, within a sociocultural framework where expressions of vulnerability are often constrained. By situating the research within the Albanian cultural landscape, this study not only fills a critical gap in the literature but also provides insights into the role of self-conscious emotions in shaping the psychological and interpersonal dimensions of the individuals in collectivist societies. This nuanced perspective enhances the global understanding of shame and guilt while underscoring their significance in the mental health research.
Material and methods
This study falls under the category of a quantitative research due to its focus on the analysis of the measurable data. It is specifically descriptive and correlational, aiming to examine the prevalence, the distribution and the interrelationships of various variables.
Participants
The research involved 349 Albanian students aged from 18 to 28, all enrolled in two main Albanian public universities, such as University of Tirana and Aleksandër Moisiu University of Durrës. These two prominent public universities serve as major academic centers in Albania, attracting a diverse student population from various geographical regions and socio-economic backgrounds. 60% of the students in the current sample were from cities such as Tirana and Durrës, 35% of them from cities such as Shkodër, Elbasan, Saranda, and Korça, and the remaining 5% from smaller areas including Përmet, Mat and Malësia e Madhe. Their inclusion ensured a more representative sample, thereby enhancing the generalizability and the cultural relevance of the study’s findings. Data collection took place between November 2023 to March 2024, ensuring a representative snapshot of the current student population in Albania.
The sample comprised 213 females, constituting approximately 61% of the total sample, and 136 males, representing 39%. After reviewing and agreeing to the informed consent, the participants proceeded with completing the study questionnaires. The confidentiality of the data was ensured.
Instruments
For the data collection in this study, two key instruments were employed: the Test of Self-Conscious Affect-3 (TOSCA-3; Tangney, Dearing, Wagner, & Gramzow, 2000; Haka, 2016) and the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI; Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996).
The TOSCA-3 (Tangney, Dearing, Wagner, & Gramzow, 2000; Haka, 2016) is a well-established tool designed in order to measure proneness to guilt and shame through 16 scenario-based items rated on a 5-point Likert scale (Tangney, 1990; Tangney et al., 1989). Its six subscales assess guilt proneness, shame proneness, externalization, detachment, and two forms of pride (alpha and beta). The tool is culturally validated and standardized (Haka, 2016) and demonstrated high internal consistency (α = .91) in this study, with subscale reliabilities ranging from α = .72 for detachment, α = .76 for externalization, α = .85 for guilt proneness to α = .87 for shame proneness.
The BDI (Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996) is a widely used 21-item self-report instrument designed to assess the depressive symptoms based on DSM-IV criteria (Beck, Ward, Mendelson, Mock, and Arbaugh in 1961). Each item is scored from 0 to 3, with total scores reflecting varying levels of depression severity. The BDI has shown an excellent reliability and validity across diverse populations (Osman et al., 2004) and demonstrated a strong internal consistency (α = .82) in this study.
Procedures
A convenience sampling method was applied to select the faculties, the auditoriums and subsequently the students who participated in the study. After securing the necessary permissions from the respective faculties, auditors were chosen to administer the questionnaires. Within each auditorium, a simple random sampling method was utilized to select the students, ensuring that the sampling was a representative one. Participants received the study questionnaires anonymously. They were informed about the study’s objectives and assured of the data confidentiality. The guidance was provided throughout the process, from the distribution of the questionnaires to their collection, in order to ensure a smooth and informed participation.
Research hypothesis
H1: There is a statistically significant relationship between the shame and the depression in the Albanian students.
H2: There is a statistically significant relationship between the guilt and the depression in the Albanian students.
H3: There is a statistically significant relationship between the experience of shame and the guilt in the Albanian students.
Results
The study sample includes 349 participants. The mean that the age of the participants is 20.75 years, with a median of 21.00 years and a mode of 20, indicating that most of the participants were around 20 years old. The age distribution exhibits a moderate variability with a standard deviation of 1.90. The skewness value of .718 shows a slight positive skew, suggesting a higher concentration of the younger participants (Table 1). The sample is composed of approximately 61% female participants, while 39% are male.
Table 1
Demographic data of the study sample (to see Table 1, please click here)
The descriptive statistics for shame, guilt, and depression among 349 participants reveal moderate levels of all three variables. The average score for shame is M = 57.23 with a standard deviation (SD) = 12.02, while guilt has an average score of M = 54.02 with SD = 13.09, indicating some variability in the intensity of these emotions. Depression shows a higher average score, with M = 65.61 and SD = 11.30, reflecting a potentially greater prevalence or intensity of depressive symptoms among the participants. The median values for shame (Mdn = 56.00), guilt (Mdn = 53.00) and depression (Mdn = 63.00) are close to their means, suggesting some relatively symmetrical distributions for all three measures. Slight positive skewness is observed for shame (0.214), guilt (0.432) and depression (0.443), indicating that a few participants report higher levels of these emotions and depressive symptoms compared to the rest. The kurtosis values for shame (-0.294), guilt (0.020) and depression (0.170) suggest some relatively normal distributions with no extreme outliers.
Overall, the findings suggest that participants experience moderate levels of shame, guilt and depression, with minor variations and generally normal distribution of patterns for all the three variables.
Table 2
Descriptive statistics for the study variables (to see Table 2, please click here)
The Pearson product moment correlation coefficients (two-tailed) for all of the variables are given in Table 3. The correlational analysis reveals some significant relationships between the variables of depression, shame, and guilt. Both shame and guilt are positively correlated with depression, with shame showing a stronger correlation (r= .524, p < 0.01) compared to guilt (r= .467, p < 0.01). This indicates that higher levels of shame and guilt are associated with increased depressive symptoms among the students. Additionally, the associations between the two variables, shame and guilt, were significant but modest (r= .315, p < 0.05), suggesting that individuals who are prone to experience shame tend to experience guilt also. Overall, these findings highlight the significant role of the self-conscious emotions in the psychological distress and the interconnected nature of these emotional experiences.
Table 3
Correlations for the study variables (to see Table 3, please click here)
Discussions
In alignment with the Hypothesis 1, the data reveal a statistically significant positive correlation between the experience of shame and depression. According to the findings and existing literature, the shame is characterized as more distressing than guilt. Specifically, the individuals who experience shame often perceive themselves as worthless and powerless. This emotional state is closely linked to the negative self-perceptions and beliefs about how others view them—namely, as inferior, inadequate, or unworthy (Kim et al., 2011). Such internalized experiences may contribute to the formation of the negative self-schemas, diminished self-esteem and elevated levels of depression (Hedman, Ström, Stünkel, & Mörtberg, 2013). The theoretical framework underpinning this relationship suggests that shame leads individuals to experience heightened self-criticism and negative self-schemas. These factors are known to exacerbate depressive symptoms by fostering a persistent sense of worthlessness and hopelessness. Additionally, the shame-prone individuals may engage in avoidance behaviors and emotional isolation, which may further compound feelings of depression (Hedman et al., 2013). The findings are consistent with research indicating that the shame often results in a diminished sense of self-worth and increased psychological distress (Kim et al., 2011). This aligns with the broader literature that links shame to various forms of psychopathology, including depression (Andrews, 1995; Stuewig & McCloskey, 2005). Thus, the significant correlation observed in this study reinforces the need for interventions targeting shame to mitigate its potential impact on the depressive symptoms.
Hypothesis 2 is also supported by the current data, indicating a statistically significant positive correlation between the guilt and the depression. This finding aligns with some previous research that highlights the complex nature of guilt as an emotion that, while potentially adaptive, may also contribute to the psychological distress. Guilt often arises when individuals perceive that they have violated their moral standards or harm others, leading to feelings of tension and remorse. These feelings were typically associated with a heightened sense of responsibility for one’s actions and their consequences. As Gausel and Leech (2011) suggest, guilt is rooted in the concern over the negative impact of one’s behavior, whether on others or oneself. While this concern may be constructive, motivating the individuals to correct their wrongdoings and engage themselves in reparative behaviors, it also has a darker side. The experience of guilt is frequently intertwined with other negative emotions, such as shame, self-angriness and self-punishment. These additional emotional layers may amplify the distress associated with guilt, making the individuals more susceptible to depression. The self-critical nature of guilt, particularly when it leads to rumination and self-blame, may undermine an individual’s mental health, fostering a cycle of negative thinking that exacerbates depressive symptoms (Tangney & Dearing, 2002). Moreover, the presence of guilt-related self-punishment may further deepen an individual’s vulnerability to depression. The tendency to dwell on perceived failures or moral transgressions may lead to persistent feelings of inadequacy and hopelessness as the key features of depression. Thus, while guilt may initially serve as a catalyst for positive change, its association with shame and self-punitive thoughts may ultimately contribute to the development or worsening of the depressive symptoms. In conclusion, the statistically significant correlation between guilt and depression observed in this study underscores the dual nature of guilt as both a potential motivator for change and a risk factor for a psychological distress. This finding highlights the importance of addressing guilt in therapeutic settings, particularly in helping individuals navigate its more maladaptive aspects to prevent or alleviate depression.
Consistent with Hypothesis 3, the analysis reveals a statistically significant relationship between the experiences of guilt and shame, confirming their interconnection. Both guilt and shame are self-conscious emotions, deeply rooted in the processes of self-reflection and self-evaluation (Dryden, 2009). These emotions typically emerge when the individuals perceive themselves as having violated the societal or moral norms. Such norms may be externally imposed by societal expectations or internally generated by personal values and standards. The relationship between guilt and shame is complex and multifaceted. While guilt tends to be focused on specific behaviors or actions—where an individual feels remorseful for something that he or she have done — the shame is more global, involving a negative evaluation of the self as a whole. Despite these distinctions, the two emotions often co-occur, as guilt may trigger feelings of shame and vice versa. For example, a person who feels guilty about a specific action may begin to see himself or herself as fundamentally flawed, leading to feelings of shame. The interplay between guilt and shame may be influenced by various factors, including the cultural norms, the personality traits and the educational background. The cultural differences, for instance, may dictate the ways in which the individuals experience and express these emotions, with some cultures emphasizing a collective responsibility and others focusing on the individual accountability. The personality traits, such as a the tendency toward perfectionism or high self-criticism, may also heighten the intensity of guilt and shame. Additionally, an individual’s educational background may shape his or hers understanding over the moral and the ethical standards, influencing the way they experience these emotions. Understanding the relationship between the guilt and shame is crucial, especially in the context of the psychological well-being. While both emotions may serve the adaptive functions — the guilt may motivate the reparative actions and the shame may promote the social cohesion — they may also contribute to the psychological distress when it is experienced excessively or in maladaptive ways. The significant correlation between these emotions in this study highlights the need for the nuanced approaches in both research and therapeutic practice, particularly in addressing the ways in which guilt and shame may contribute to the mental health challenges such as depression.
Recommendations
Given the significant findings in this study regarding the correlation between shame, guilt, and depression, several recommendations may be made for both therapeutic practice and the future research. Targeting the shame in therapy is crucial, as it was found to have a stronger link with the depressive symptoms. The therapeutic interventions should focus on addressing the shame-prone tendencies by fostering the self-compassion and reframing the negative self-schemas (Gilbert, 2001; Hedman et al., 2013). Similarly, addressing maladaptive guilt is also vital. While guilt may serve as an adaptive function by motivating reparative actions, it often becomes maladaptive when accompanied by rumination and self-punishment (Tangney & Dearing, 2002). Cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) techniques, such as reframing guilt and managing self-criticism, may be instrumental in helping individuals prevent guilt from escalating into depression (Wells et al., 1999). By challenging the unproductive guilt-driven thoughts and focusing on solutions, individuals may transform guilt into a more adaptive emotion without letting it contribute to ongoing emotional distress.
Additionally, given the cultural variations in the expression of guilt and shame, the culturally sensitive interventions were essential. As the study highlighted, in the collectivist cultures like Albania, the emphasis on the family’s honor and the societal reputation may intensify the experience of shame, making it more pervasive. The mental health professionals working in such contexts must incorporate an understanding of the cultural norms that shape emotional experiences (Silfver-Kuhalampi, Fontaine, Dillen, & Scherer, 2013). Therapy should consider the role of the social expectations and the collective responsibility in both the expression and the regulation of shame and guilt. This cultural awareness will allow some interventions in order to be more effective in addressing the root causes of these emotions in the specific cultural settings.
Also, the longitudinal research should be conducted to explore the long-term impact of the shame and the guilt on depression, particularly in the emerging adulthood. Understanding how these emotions evolve over time and how they may influence the mental health outcomes across life stages will provide valuable insights into their long-term effects and may help in developing prevention strategies (Rice et al., 2011).
Furthermore, the exploration of gender differences in the experience of shame and guilt is recommended. Investigating these dynamics across diverse cultural contexts and life stages may offer the nuanced insights into how gender roles and the societal expectations may influence the development and the manifestation of these emotions (Else-Quest, Higgins, Allison, & Morton, 2012).
Conclusion
In conclusion, the shame and the guilt are both significant contributors to depression, but they affect individuals in very distinct ways. This study found that the shame, characterized by a pervasive sense of the personal inadequacy and negative self-evaluation, is more strongly correlated with depressive symptoms than with the guilt. People who experience the shame tend to internalize feelings of worthlessness, leading to the formation of negative self-schemas that intensify the depression symptoms. While guilt also shows a statistically significant correlation with depression, its effects are somewhat different. Guilt often arises from specific actions or perceived moral failures, and although it may motivate positive change, its maladaptive aspects, such as rumination and self-punishment what may exacerbate the psychological distress. The self-critical nature of guilt, when left unchecked, contributes to the deepening of the depressive symptoms.
The current findings align with the studies conducted in Western contexts, which similarly report a stronger association between shame and depression than guilt (Kim et al., 2011; Tangney & Dearing, 2002). However, this study highlights the cultural nuances that may amplify the role of shame in a collectivist society like Albania is. The emphasis on the family’s honor, the societal expectations and the public image may intensify feelings of shame in Albanian students compared to peers in individualistic societies, where the focus is often on the personal achievement and autonomy. This cultural emphasis likely deepens the internalization of shame, making it a more potent contributor to the psychological distress.
This study also highlights the close relationship between shame and guilt, as these emotions frequently co-occur and reinforce each other, amplifying, – in that way, – their impact over the mental health. This finding suggests that the therapeutic interventions should take both emotions into account, addressing their maladaptive aspects in order to reduce the risk of the depression. Overall, these results underscore the importance of focusing on shame and guilt in the mental health treatment to mitigate their detrimental effects over the psychological well-being. Culturally sensitive therapeutic approaches were essential to address these emotions in diverse populations, ensuring that the interventions account for the sociocultural context influencing their expression and impact.
Competing interests
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relation-ships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
Consent to participate
Informed written consent was obtained from each participant at the time of recruitment.
Acknowledgments
This study is part of the doctoral research project entitled: “The relationship between shame and guilt with mental health and psychological well-being in emerging adulthood”, conducted by PhD student Angela Sula and coordinated by Prof. Dr. Edmond Rapti at the University of Tirana, Faculty of Social Sciences.
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