DOI: https://doi.org/10.26758/16.1.13
(1) Faculty of Gender and Development, Vietnam Women’s Academy, Hanoi, Vietnam, e-mail: dungltk@hvpnvn.edu.vn, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5692-0768.
(2) Faculty of Sociology and Social Work, University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania, e-mail: buinhungnt@gmail.com. https://orcid.org/0009-0002-6586-2376.
Address correspondence to: Nhung Thi Hong BUI, Faculty of Sociology and Social Work, University of Bucharest, 90 Panduri Street, Bucharest. Ph.: +40720084109, e-mail: buinhungnt@gmail.com.
Abstract
Objectives. This study explores the issues experienced by Vietnamese women migrant workers in Romania, an emerging labor migration corridor.
Material and methods. Following ethics approval, the study employed a qualitative approach based on semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 20 Vietnamese women workers who had resided and worked in Romania for at least six months. Participants were selected through purposive sampling to capture a range of backgrounds and occupations. Data were collected between January and March 2025 and analyzed using a thematic approach.
Results. Five themes emerged, focusing on motivations for migration, contractual challenges, working and living conditions, social difficulties, and coping mechanisms. Most participants could not retain or understand the content of the contract due to language barriers and legal unfamiliarity. Discrepancies between contractual terms and actual working conditions were common, including long hours, underpayment, and absence of rest days. Beyond formal exploitation, the study highlights the operation of invisible power and the internalization of gratitude, resignation, and self-blame, all of which reinforce silence and subordination. Institutional support systems, such as translation services, legal aid, or migrant organizations, were largely absent, forcing women to rely on informal networks and self-coping strategies.
Conclusions. The study demonstrates that gendered migration to emerging markets like Romania reproduces multiple layers of inequality through structural and symbolic mechanisms. It calls for the development of gender-responsive, transnational protection mechanisms that include contract transparency, legal education, and the creation of support institutions for women migrants. A shift toward intersectional and multi-stakeholder approaches is critical to ensuring equitable and safe migration experiences.
Keywords: Gendered labor migration, structural vulnerability, invisible power, Vietnamese women migrant workers, Romania.
Suggested citation (APA)
Le, D.T.K. & Bui, N.T.H. (2026). Structural vulnerabilities and gendered insecurities in emerging migration corridors: the case of Vietnamese women migrant workers in Romania. Anthropological Researches and Studies, 16, 169-185. https://doi.org/10.26758/16.1.13
Introduction
As labor globalization deepens, women constitute a growing proportion of transnational migrant flows, most prominently in domestic and care work sectors, and light manufacturing (Piper, 2008; United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women [UN-INSTRAW], 2009; International Organization for Migration [IOM], 2020). Yet this mobility does not merely offer new economic opportunities; it also reproduces structural inequalities, legal dependency, and gendered vulnerabilities, placing female migrant workers in a state of continued precariousness (Bélanger & Tran, 2011; Parreñas, 2001). Migrant women often face issues at the intersection of class, racism, and gender (Kofman, 2004; Samari et al., 2024). Empirical studies have demonstrated that, beyond visible injustices such as poor working conditions and ambiguous contractual terms, less visible dimensions of power also operate. These dimensions, reinforced through cultural norms and the internalization of subaltern status, play a pivotal role in constraining women’s agency and limiting their capacity for negotiation (VeneKlasen & Miller, 2002; Parreñas, 2001).
Most of the literature on gendered labor migration is published in relatively “stable” destination countries like South Korea, Taiwan, and Japan (Chang, 2021; Gouw et al., 2025). However, emerging migration corridors in Eastern Europe characterized by underdeveloped legal infrastructures and fragmented protection regimes remain insufficiently examined, particularly from the perspectives of gender and structural vulnerability. Romania exemplifies this emerging trend, as it increasingly attracts female migrant workers from Vietnam, yet remains largely absent from in-depth, gender-sensitive academic inquiry into the lived experiences of this vulnerable population.
Addressing this empirical and analytical gap, this study explores the structural inequalities, gendered vulnerabilities, and invisible power dynamics shaping the migration and labor experiences of Vietnamese women in Romania. Using a qualitative research approach, this paper contributes to the broader literature on feminized labor migration in new and under-regulated labor markets through an analysis of the lived experiences of Vietnamese women working in Romania.
Vietnamese women migrant workers in Romania often hold formal labor contracts yet continue to experience everyday exploitation. This paradox raises a central anthropological question: how does precarity become normalized in emerging post-socialist migration regimes? Based on the analysis of data obtained from in-depth ethnographic interviews, the paper contributes to anthropological debates on gendered migration and everyday domination.
Three core academic contributions are identified. First, the article provides empirical evidence of gendered labor precarity among Vietnamese women migrants in an under-researched Eastern European migration corridor. Second, it demonstrates the role of institutional gaps and weak labor governance in shaping invisible power in everyday labor relations. Third, contract formalization without effective enforcement is conceptualized as a mechanism that reproduces structural subordination.
Theoretical framework and literature review
Scholarship on female labor migration in the context of globalization has increasingly elucidated the gendered nature of transnational mobility. Women not only represent a growing share of international migrants but are also disproportionately exposed to intersecting forms of structural inequality and gendered power (Piper, 2008; Kofman, 2014). Within the broader trend referred to as the feminization of migration, female workers are predominantly concentrated in undervalued occupations, particularly within domestic and care-related sectors, as well as in low-skilled manufacturing. Informal labor agreements, exploitative working conditions, and limited legal protection characterize this mode of migration. As a result, women face a higher risk of social marginalization compared to men, primarily due to restrictive legal frameworks, discriminatory social norms, and cultural barriers in destination countries (Zlotnik, 2003; Angsuthanasombat, 2008; UN-INSTRAW, 2009; Lê, 2024).
To deepen the understanding of why female migrants remain persistently vulnerable, a growing body of critical migration studies has turned to the concept of structural vulnerability as a central analytical lens (Quesada et al., 2011). Structural vulnerability foregrounds the notion that migrant precarity goes beyond individual choices and economic hardship; entrenched hierarchies of social, legal, and political power fundamentally shape it. Crenshaw (1991) conceptualizes intersectionality as the structural convergence of gender, race, and class that produces compounded forms of marginalization.
Beyond observable forms of inequality, a deeper and more subtle dimension is captured by the concept of invisible power. This term refers to symbolic, normative, and cultural mechanisms through which individuals internalize their own subordinate status (VeneKlasen & Miller, 2002). For female migrant workers, such invisible power is often manifested in the normalization of subservience, a cultivated sense of gratitude toward employers, and internalized feelings of guilt or unworthiness. These affective dimensions of power, though subtle, serve to curtail migrant women’s capacity to articulate grievances, demand fair treatment, or resist abuse. In this sense, domination operates not only through external coercion but through the quiet reproduction of hierarchical subjectivities that make injustice appear inevitable, or even acceptable.
Material and methods
Semi-structured qualitative interviews were employed to analyze the lived experiences of Vietnamese migrant women in Romania. The inclusion criteria were: (i) self-identified as female; (ii) at least six months of working experience in Romania; and (iii) willingness to share personal narratives.
Participants were approached through Vietnamese migrant community networks in Romania. Two community members acted as intermediaries, facilitating initial contact and trust-building; the study then used chain sampling to expand coverage across different labor sectors and workplace contexts. Twenty female workers were selected from an estimated population of approximately 200 Vietnamese women using purposive sampling to maximize diversity in age, employment sector, and length of residence.
Data collection was conducted between January and March 2025 through online interviews. All participants received clear information regarding the study’s objectives and confidentiality protocols, and they provided written consent to participate. Once the data were transcribed, a numerical code was assigned to each transcript, and the only identifying information retained was the participant’s age. The study conducted in-depth, direct interviews to ensure data confidentiality and seamless interaction between researchers and participants. Researchers adhered to the principle of recording and documenting interviews only after obtaining participants’ consent. All data were stored securely in anonymized form.
A thematic analysis followed the six steps outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006) and drew on guidelines for using qualitative data analysis software proposed by Silver and Lewins (2014). The analysis was led by the first author in collaboration with the other researchers and involved repeated readings of the transcripts to identify and categorize codes. Because there were only 20 interview transcripts, the researchers each coded five transcripts independently and then used NVivo 12 Plus to enhance analytical rigor and consistency.
Figure 1 illustrates the thematic coding process used in the analysis: (i) open coding; (ii) axial coding, selective coding, and iterative theme refinement; (iii) extraction of core themes that captured the participants’ experiences and the broader socio-political context; (iv) theoretical triangulation with international literature on feminized migration, structural vulnerability, and invisible power, thereby ensuring analytical depth and conceptual coherence. Table 1 presents the hierarchical coding structure, including the main themes and sub-themes derived from the interview data.
Figure 1
Thematic coding process for interview data on Vietnamese women migrant workers in Romania (to see Figure 1, please click here)
Table 1
Hierarchical coding structure: themes and sub-themes derived from interview data (to see Table 1, please click here)
To enhance the credibility of the study, a triangulation strategy was employed through cross-verification of multiple data sources and comparative analysis across interview cases to identify both convergent patterns and divergent experiences. In parallel, reflexive practices were implemented during data collection and analysis to monitor researcher positionality and enhance transparency and analytical rigor. Ethical research standards were fully observed throughout the study, including confidentiality, anonymity, and the principle of non-maleficence.
The lead researcher is a Vietnamese female academic with experience in gender and migration research. This positionality facilitated access to the Vietnamese migrant community in Romania and supported trust-based interviewing. While offering cultural and linguistic advantages, it also carried risks of interpretive bias and assumed shared meanings. To address these concerns, the research design prioritized voluntary participation and anonymization. It also adopted participant-centered interviewing to safeguard narrative autonomy and ethical sensitivity.
Results
Motivation to choose Romania
Although Romania is not a traditional destination for Vietnamese female labor migrants, it has gained prominence as an alternative destination, supported by relatively accessible migration channels and lower costs. Thematic analysis of in-depth interviews revealed that women’s decisions to migrate were primarily shaped by three interrelated factors: (1) affordable migration expenses and simplified procedures, (2) alignment between job requirements and their physical capacity or skillsets, and (3) a desire, especially among younger women to explore new environments and expand their living horizons.
Many participants emphasized that the moderate cost of migrating to Romania was a decisive factor in their choice. For women from low-income or rural backgrounds, Romania appeared as a feasible pathway to employment abroad, especially in contrast to more established destinations with higher entry barriers:
“I found the cost to work in Romania much more reasonable compared to countries like South Korea or Japan. It was suitable for workers like us who don’t have strong financial means.” (Interview no. 6, age 28).
“The overall expense required to work in Romania was not too high, so I thought it was a good option for those who want to learn about working or living in a European country.” (Interview no. 8, age 26).
“The cost of labor migration was quite affordable. I came to Romania in 2019 when the fees were relatively low. Although the wages here are not high, they are acceptable for single people like me.” (Interview no. 5, age 32).
These responses indicate that, beyond economic benefits, migration to Romania was also perceived as a form of accessible mobility. This pathway enabled women to pursue overseas employment opportunities without incurring overwhelming financial risk. However, affordability should not be understood simply as being suitable to the individual circumstances/abilities of female workers. When affordability is coupled with simple procedures, it should be understood as a structural issue. In emerging migration corridors like Romania, where low costs and easy emigration conditions are prevalent, expanding opportunities for short-term employment can also lead workers to become complacent in adequately preparing themselves for the new work environment. This is the root cause of uninformed workers deciding to migrate and their reduced ability to negotiate in unfavorable situations. The cumulative effect of a lack of knowledge about the work environment, labor contracts, and limitations in negotiation shows that vulnerability is already present even before emigration.
Beyond financial factors, many participants selected Romania because they perceived a strong alignment between the nature of available jobs and their personal capabilities such as vocational skills, physical health, and adaptability.
“I chose Romania because I wanted to increase my income to support my family. The costs, language requirements, and job qualifications all suited me. I also wanted to experience life and people in a developing country like Romania.” (Interview no. 1, age 21).
For some younger migrants, Romania was not merely a destination for livelihood. It also functioned as a cultural gateway, an entry point for exploration, self-discovery, and personal transformation.
“I chose Romania because the jobs here are diverse and suitable for my health and capacity. I also like the climate and wanted to experience a completely new living environment while I’m still young.” (Interview no. 3, age 23).
However, the perception of Romania as a manageable or accessible destination was not universally shared. Some migrants, particularly older women and those with higher income expectations, expressed disappointment arguing that the required financial investment was disproportionate to the actual working conditions:
“My family was struggling, so I decided to work in Romania. Although the procedures and costs were considered reasonable compared to other countries, for someone like me, the money spent was still a burden and didn’t match the income I actually received.” (Interview no. 4, age 45).
Female workers in Romania mentioned and emphasized the concept of “match” between job requirements and aspects related to their health, skills, and adaptability; however, this “match” was based on personal perception. Therefore, it quickly reflected the disadvantages faced by female workers in accessing education and vocational skills, as well as employment opportunities. This is a key reason why Romania, despite being an emerging job market, is a preferred choice for female workers. It is evident that even when Romania is chosen for personal experience, this experience is inseparable from family responsibilities. Women’s motivations for migration are closely tied to gender obligations in family care and provision. Migration abroad further underscores the moral significance of self-sacrifice, thereby legitimizing the endurance of hardship and blurring the lines between labor exploitation and women’s responsibilities. The adjustment of personal expectations to fit the destination shows the transfer of the burden of risk from the system to the individual, and female workers must learn to adapt to an institutional structure that is somewhat lax in protecting them.
Several participants reported that they had received little or no clear information prior to departure, nor were they adequately briefed about the living and working conditions they would encounter. This lack of transparency left many women in a state of near-total dependency on their employers and intermediaries:
“I did discuss the job beforehand, but the information was vague. In reality, the working environment was stressful, hours ran from 8:30 in the morning to 10 at night, and if I made mistakes, I was scolded and had my wages deducted.” (Interview no. 7, age 29).
Some migrants openly acknowledged that they made the decision to migrate without legal preparation, labor market knowledge, or adaptive skills. This pattern reflects a form of experiential migration rather than deliberate and informed strategizing:
“I knew nothing about Romania when I came. I came here with the mindset of gaining experience… If people took the time to study Romanian labor law, I think they would see that it actually offers decent benefits in terms of insurance and paid leave.” (Interview no. 12, age 26).
Nevertheless, a small number of cases reflected more positive experiences. These outcomes were primarily associated with the presence of formal contracts, supportive work environments, and cooperative relationships with employers:
“My employer is Vietnamese and offers generous treatment, with no strict constraints. The contract is clear, the salary is specified, and the working hours match what was agreed. I’m satisfied and even willing to work overtime.” (Interview no. 15, age 21).
Women workers who decide to migrate to new work environments, even when uncertain about working conditions and labor rights, are primarily driven into dependence on intermediaries and employers. Unfortunately, these intermediaries are largely absent in providing support to female workers when they face disadvantages. Although female workers claim their decisions are based on “suitability”, as mentioned above, and this seems to represent a strategic choice, migration without careful legal preparation is essentially an experiential form of migration. The problem begins here: the risk to workers is not due to a lack of legal protection, but rather to their access to legal protection. Some cases exhibit lower levels of vulnerability due to workers’ possession and understanding of their contracts, as well as positive labor relations. Thus, shaping the labor experience of migrant women is closely linked to transparency of information and institutional enforcement.
The unstable and fragmented nature of the Romanian labor market for Vietnamese migrant women is evident in their wide range of experiences, from exploitation to empowerment. The reasons for choosing Romania – low costs, accessibility, and simple procedures – masked the risks of ambiguity regarding working conditions and a lack of legal preparation. In this context, labor contracts cannot serve as effective negotiating tools, primarily functioning as formal agreements. Therefore, female workers often find it difficult, or even impossible, to access complaint or redress channels when working conditions fall short of their initial expectations. Overall, labor security is not guaranteed by protective mechanisms but relies heavily on the goodwill of employers. This is a clear manifestation of structural vulnerabilities that existed before and throughout the migration process. Structural weaknesses that therefore need closer examination include information transparency, limited bargaining power, and weak intermediary support systems. The research findings establish a significant foundation for further analysis of contract terms, workplace power dynamics, and the potential precariousness of women’s migration flows.
Contractual challenges
All participants signed a labor contract prior to departure, indicating the formal legality of their migration trajectories. However, the data reveal substantial disparities in their understanding of and access to these contracts. This uneven access highlights the asymmetrical nature of labor relations and the widespread dependency experienced by female migrant workers, particularly in contexts characterized by language barriers and limited legal literacy.
A small number of participants reported having signed clear and transparent contracts, which were often associated with stable and non-exploitative work environments, along with adequate living support:
“My contract was clear, with a specified salary and working hours that matched the agreement. Thanks to the accommodation support, my income was quite sufficient. Everything was transparent, so I have never encountered any injustice.” (Interview no. 9, age 31).
However, the majority of respondents reported that they were not provided with the original copy of their contracts or were required to sign documents written entirely in Romanian, a language they could not understand. This lack of comprehension and control over legal terms placed them in a position of heightened vulnerability. The risks were particularly pronounced when contractual conditions were violated in practice:
“I had a contract, but it was entirely in Romanian, so I couldn’t understand it. The employer kept the original. I was only allowed to hold it when applying for my residence card, and then I had to return it.” (Interview no. 13, age 45).
The case of Interview no. 14 illustrates the operation of a dual contract system, in which the presence of a formal legal document fails to ensure substantive protection for the worker. Core provisions, including working hours, leave entitlements, and wages, were systematically violated:
“The contract said 8 hours per day, two days off per week, but in reality, I had to work weekends and public holidays. If I wanted time off, my wages were docked. I had no paid leave, and my income was lower than average.” (Interview no. 14, age 45).
Such discrepancies expose a clear gap between formal legality and lived precarity. These structural patterns become most visible in everyday labor routines and embodied experiences. As one participant described, her workday began early and often ended late at night.
One participant, a 19-year-old Vietnamese woman, described a workday that began early and often ended late at night. Although her contract stipulated eight working hours, she regularly worked up to fourteen hours per day and received only half a day off per week. She worked in a confined factory environment characterized by repetitive tasks, high noise levels, and heavy physical strain. This routine produced persistent pain in her shoulders and lower back. During breaks, she avoided social interaction and conserved energy. Interactions with supervisors were marked by distrust and perceived disrespect, especially when requests for rest were rejected. She also reported unequal treatment compared with other female workers, which intensified her sense of isolation. Because she depended on her employer for legal documents and residence status, she felt unable to raise complaints. At the end of each shift, physical exhaustion was accompanied by emotional resignation.
Some participants emphasized that their positive workplace experiences were largely shaped by their ability to negotiate directly with employers, relying on mutual trust, goodwill, and personal rapport.
“The labor contract was based on mutual agreement with the employer. My employer is Romanian, and they treat me very well. The workplace is small, so I’ve never experienced any injustice.” (Interview no. 16, age 31).
However, reliance on employer benevolence instead of enforceable legal protection intensifies the vulnerability of female migrant workers. Information control and unresolved language barriers further erode workers’ bargaining power. As a result, labor contracts shift from protective mechanisms to instruments that reproduce unequal power relations.
Although labor contracts are legally required in Romania, their protective value depends on workers’ capacity to understand and contest contractual terms. This highlights a central paradox: formal legality does not ensure effective protection without structural guarantees of access and enforcement. This shift from legal safeguards to interpersonal dependence reveals how formal legality is converted into a mechanism of structural subordination within feminized migration regimes.
Labor exploitation and working conditions
Excessive working hours also emerged as a major threat to both physical and mental well-being. One participant described the pressure of overwork as follows:
“The hardest part for me was the long working hours and very little rest… My employer said if I couldn’t meet the workload, I would be sent back to Vietnam, even though I had already spent a lot of money to come here.” (Interview no. 17, age 29).
Language barriers continued to emerge as a major obstacle, affecting not only workplace communication but also administrative and legal processes. As one participant noted:
“My biggest difficulty was the language and the visa procedures… If you don’t understand the laws properly, it’s very easy to violate them.” (Interview no. 19, age 26).
The absence of translation services, legal aid, or accessible guidance on residency regulations has led to situations of unintended illegalization, in which workers fall out of compliance with local laws without understanding how or why.
Tensions within the workplace, including a lack of respect from employers and perceived unfairness in job assignments, were also commonly reported:
“The employer behaved unprofessionally… I’m too dependent on their documents for everything.” (Interview no. 20, age 45).
Here, invisible power operates through the control of legal documents. This mechanism represents a symbolic form of asymmetrical authority within transnational labor markets. The discrepancy between contractual terms and actual working conditions also emerged as a recurrent pattern:
“The contract said 8 hours a day with two days off per week, but in reality, I had to work 14 hours a day… The income was far too low for the amount of work I was doing.” (Interview no., age 32).
Such testimonies point to a process of informalization within formally contracted employment. Although labor contracts existed on paper, they were frequently ignored in practice, leaving workers without effective means to contest exploitation. When these factors are placed in the context of external shocks such as the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, the consequences are further amplified, limiting the ability of female workers to withdraw, negotiate, or complain.
Socio-cultural and living difficulties
It is noteworthy that the harm goes beyond the workplace and manifests in aspects of daily life. Through this, the shift of responsibility and risk from the system to the individual becomes even more apparent.
The accumulation over time intensifies negative physical and emotional experiences such as fatigue, feelings of isolation, pain, and the psychological discipline of resignation. This process clearly reflects the transformation of structural inequality into the daily life experiences of female workers; thus, the harm is no longer limited to economic or legal aspects but becomes a prolonged state of life for migrant women.
“The biggest challenge for me was the COVID-19 outbreak, which caused me to lose my job. At that time, so many difficulties piled up that I had to fend for myself. I didn’t receive any support from my employer or any organizations or associations.” (Interview no. 2, age 25).
Under the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, female workers not only lost their primary source of income, which was essential for maintaining their daily lives and fulfilling their gender responsibilities, but they also found themselves isolated due to the complete lack of social protection mechanisms. This is a clear manifestation of the direct shift of livelihood risks from the system to individual female workers.
In addition, many participants expressed emotional and physical strain caused by harsh winter weather, lack of personal space, and experiences of social isolation:
“I don’t have any private space or time to grow as a person.” (Interview no. 7, age 29).
Lack of privacy should be seen as a manifestation of female workers facing a form of control over their living space, rather than simply unfavorable housing conditions. This situation reduces personal autonomy, increases social isolation, and simultaneously increases dependence on employers. Therefore, a paradox emerges: increased work discipline stems from the limitation of private space.
The loneliness of female workers is further exacerbated by cultural and linguistic differences, as one female worker shared:
“I find it quite difficult to communicate; the differences in culture and lifestyle make things even harder.” (Interview no. 5, age 32).
Communication difficulties in this case are not simply a matter of technical language; as analyzed above, when other conditions are supportive, communication obstacles cannot become the primary cause of risk and harm. Therefore, it is essential to recognize that communication difficulties serve as a mechanism of social exclusion when female workers are unable to access information, public services, or formal support networks. If the employment and issues arising for female workers were monitored and supported, the cycle of dependence and shrinking bargaining space for female workers would not occur as it does today.
Coping strategies
The unfavorable living conditions underscore the absence of social adaptation policies, creating a profound disconnection between migrant workers and the host society. In the face of limited formal support, most respondents relied heavily on their families or the Vietnamese community for emotional and practical assistance. Female workers are forced to find ways to adapt through personal effort or through informal networks. At this point, social security becomes blurred, and self-responsibility must be maximized. This is precisely how workers’ dependence on employers is reinforced, thereby facilitating the reproduction of gender inequality. As one participant recalled:
“My family encouraged and supported me emotionally… My employer didn’t reduce my workload when I was having difficulties” (Interview no. 11, age 31).
Some workers turned to online communities as informal sources of advice and solidarity:
“I could seek advice from other Vietnamese people in Romania through community Facebook groups.” (Interview no. 6, age 28).
Yet many still reported having no accessible channels for assistance:
“At the moment, I haven’t found any organization that could support us.” (Interview no. 14, age 32).
This underscores a major institutional void. Formal intermediaries such as labor unions, migrant support organizations, and legal aid services are largely absent, despite being essential for rights protection and empowerment.
Overall, the struggles experienced by Vietnamese migrant women in Romania do not arise solely from difficult working or living conditions. They are rooted in structural inequalities embedded in opaque migration processes, weak legal systems, and the absence of institutional protection frameworks. Informal support networks demonstrate women’s resilience and adaptive strategies. At the same time, they reveal the limited presence of formal legal and policy systems in everyday migrant life.
Discussions
Everyday mechanisms of gendered labor inequality among migrant women
Vietnamese migrant women are concentrated in feminized, low-paid sectors such as care and domestic work. Although information about working conditions, income, and remuneration for workers is clearly displayed on the Information Portal of the Vietnamese Embassy in Romania (Lê, 2020), and workers have work contracts, the contracts operate as symbolic legality, while everyday practices reproduce a persistent gap between formal legality and lived illegality. The lack of contract transparency and limited access to contracts leave many migrant women structurally excluded from the rights they are nominally entitled to. On the surface, it is easy to mistakenly attribute the harm suffered by female workers to language barriers, but there are many ways to overcome language difficulties if other, more crucial conditions are met. Thus, the problem is not a lack of contracts or workers’ inability to overcome language barriers to understand contract terms; the issue lies in unequal control, ownership, and the way contracts are interpreted. For female workers, expectations of “obedience”, “endurance”, and minimal “resistance” create favorable conditions for the normalization of contract violations. This further exacerbates the gap in institutional enforcement and deepens gender inequality within the transnational labor chain. These patterns go beyond individual contract violations. They reveal a structural decoupling between formal legality and everyday labor practices in weakly regulated migration regimes. As a result, many participants were unable to resist or renegotiate their conditions, even when they clearly recognized the injustice of their situations.
Invisible power operates as a central mechanism through which gendered labor inequality is normalized and reproduced. A more insidious layer of inequality operates through invisible power, a concept developed by VeneKlasen and Miller (2002). It refers to informal yet highly effective mechanisms of control that reinforce obedience and silence. Unlike visible power, which is enacted through contracts or laws, invisible power is embedded in social norms and internalized hierarchies. Migrant women may accept, rationalize, or remain silent about abusive conditions not due to a lack of awareness. Instead, they do so because they have internalized their subordinate position within the migration hierarchy. This psychological dimension of power further limits their ability to claim rights or demand change, reinforcing the status quo of exploitation.
These emotional responses reflect a moral economy of endurance. Gratitude, self-blame, and hardship normalization operate as mechanisms that reproduce gendered compliance. Others engaged in self-blame by attributing their difficulties to personal failures in adapting to the host environment. Some participants also normalized labor exploitation as an expected aspect of migrant work. These responses point to a strong mechanism of self-censorship. Workers refrain from questioning authority not because of limited awareness, but because internalized gender norms and social expectations frame suffering as a necessary sacrifice. These forms of gratitude are not merely emotional responses but reflect a culturally embedded moral economy of female endurance rooted in Vietnamese gender norms.
This phenomenon reflects Parreñas’ (2001) concept of subjectivities of servitude, in which Asian migrant domestic workers endure injustice out of moral obligations to family and fear of becoming a burden. Subordination is reproduced not only through external control but also through emotional labor and internalized norms of responsibility and feminine endurance.
Critical analysis must therefore move beyond legal violations to examine invisible power that shapes how women normalize and manage inequality. Migrant women are constrained by employers and institutions, but also by internalized beliefs about endurance, sacrifice and dignity. Reliance on informal networks signals the absence of institutional buffering mechanisms for migrant women in emerging labor markets. It reinforces individualized coping rather than collective protection.
Comparative insights and expanding the scholarly geography of feminized labor migration
The lived and work experiences of Vietnamese female workers in Romania are composed of multiple factors including gender-related pressure, labor intensity, and institutional gaps that resonate and intersect, forming a matrix of insecurity. The results support the literature on feminized labor migration by redirecting analytical attention from well-regulated destinations such as Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan to Romania, an emerging labor market marked by weak legal structures and limited institutional safeguards. In contrast to more formalized East Asian migration regimes documented in previous research (Wang, 2007; Chang, 2021; Kwak & Wang, 2022), the Romanian case shows that contractual opacity and restricted access to justice deepen gendered vulnerability in weakly regulated labor markets. Although migrant workers in East Asian markets such as Taiwan and Japan still face long working hours, harassment, violence, and low wages (Sunai, 2020), these problems are exacerbated for female workers in Romania due to structural vulnerabilities.
This study also offers a detailed examination of invisible power and internalized self-censorship. Female migrants endure unjust conditions not because of ignorance, but because they have internalized subordinate identities and familial obligations. This reinforces Parreñas’ (2001) concept of subjectivities of servitude. It shows that gendered inequality is sustained not only through visible forms of coercion, but also through the cultural and psychological normalization of submission. The findings further support an intersectional reading of migration, showing how legal precarity, gender hierarchy, and institutional absence intersect to produce layered vulnerability.
Similar patterns of gendered occupational segmentation observed in Eastern Europe (Erőss et al., 2020) are also evident in the Romanian case, where Vietnamese women remain concentrated in feminized labor sectors. While similar forms of legal dependency have been documented in East Asian contexts (European Institute for Gender Equality, 2023; Gouw et al., 2025), the Romanian case differs in the near absence of intermediary institutions capable of buffering migrant vulnerability.
Taken together, this analysis broadens the scholarly geography of feminized labor migration by foregrounding Romania as a critical yet underexamined site of inquiry. It underscores the importance of incorporating intersectional, institutional, and regional specificities into global analyses of gender, migration, and labor precarity. Beyond their empirical relevance, these findings carry important theoretical implications for the analysis of feminized labor migration in underregulated contexts.
Theoretical contributions
Comparative results suggest that the Romanian labor market is not only a site of localized challenges for Vietnamese female migrant workers. It also reflects the broader structural universality of gender-based inequality in global labor migration, especially in contexts with fragmented or weak institutional protections.
This analysis advances the discourse on feminized labor migration and structural vulnerability by specifying three theoretical dimensions previously developed in migration scholarship. It extends the work of Piper (2008), UN-INSTRAW (2009), and Zlotnik (2003) by underscoring that migration goes beyond being a livelihood strategy to a gendered social process. Within this process, women are positioned both as a source of low-cost labor and as subjects of global labor market structures that reproduce gender-based discrimination. In the Romanian context, the growing concentration of Vietnamese women in feminized sectors such as garment manufacturing, food processing, and care work illustrates the transnational reproduction of gendered labor division.
Second, the analysis deepens the concept of double disadvantage articulated by Bélanger and Tran (2011). It shows that migrant women face both systemic barriers, including legal, linguistic, cultural constraints, and concrete forms of workplace injustice. Experiences of forced overtime, restricted access to original labor contracts, and residence in overcrowded and non-private housing demonstrate that vulnerability is shaped not only by migrant status. It is also produced by women’s subordinate gender positions within the power hierarchies of host societies.
Third, the research extends the analytical scope of structural vulnerability by tracing multiple forms of dependency, including contractual reliance, informational dependence, and dependence on direct negotiation with employers. In the absence of effective intermediary institutions, formal protection mechanisms rarely appeared in participants’ everyday experiences. This pattern is evident in their narratives. An earlier analysis by Lê (2024) also points to the persistent policy gaps in the protection of Vietnamese female migrant workers abroad, aligning with the present findings. This study also suggests the need to determine the role of feminist organizations and local community institutions in supporting female workers. When compared with Southeast and East Asia, the Asian Development Bank’s (ADB, 2023) report on female labor migration within ASEAN illustrates similar patterns of gendered structural inequality but also points to the positive role of grassroots feminist organizations and local community institutions in mitigating risks – resources that Vietnamese women in Romania currently have little access to.
Using the lived experiences of participants, this study clarifies the micro-level realities of Vietnamese female labor migration to Romania. It also strengthens and extends existing theoretical understandings of gender, migration, and inequality in the global labor market. These theoretical insights provide a basis for rethinking gendered labor migration in emerging corridors like Romania.
Following this line of reasoning, analytical attention should extend beyond employer dependency to the role of intermediary actors. Brokerage companies shape information transparency, job expectations, and access to contracts from the pre-migration stage. It is observed that pre-departure information is often fragmented and ambiguous. This condition produces a dual dependency on both employers and intermediary channels.
The absence of intermediary support institutions further weakens accountability within recruitment networks. Workers lack accessible complaint mechanisms and have limited capacity to demand explanation, correction, or compensation. Tracing the migration infrastructure of this emerging corridor therefore becomes analytically necessary. Such an approach allows the identification of key actors across recruitment, contract formation, mobility and job allocation. It also reveals points where accountability systematically breaks down. Together, these dynamics clarify the sequential production of vulnerability and connect structural processes across pre-migration and destination contexts. So, all aspects related to migration need to be closely monitored and controlled, especially in the context of the cooperation agreement signed by Vietnam and Romania in the field of labor and welfare (Ministry of Labor, War Invalids and Social Affairs [MOLISA], 2018; Romania Insider, 2018).
Conclusions
The analysis reflects the vulnerability of Vietnamese female workers in Romania as a product of a gendered migration structure under conditions lacking strong institutional protection, leading to legal dependence and emotional self-discipline. Although the workers themselves explain their decision to migrate to Romania in terms of a personal “match”, this subjective perception of “match” clashes with a much harsher workplace reality than they had imagined. The absence of institutional protection forces female workers to choose a strategy of enduring structural harm rather than a rights-based strategy; accordingly, they must accept individual negotiation and silently adapt rather than complaining or demanding compensation. These issues not only directly affect the employment, income, and gender responsibilities of female workers but also reproduce the order of gender inequality. In this order, resignation, forbearance, and self-discipline are standardized as survival skills for migrant women in poorly protected labor corridors.
This research advances current understanding of structural vulnerability in feminized labor migration by examining Vietnamese women workers in Romania as an emerging labor market context. The evidence suggests Vietnamese migrant women continue to face persistent structural inequalities, including opaque labor contracts, invisible workplace power relations, and limited access to formal protection mechanisms. These inequalities should be understood within the global structure of gendered labor migration, where legal precarity, gender hierarchy, and economic marginalization intersect. Therefore, this paper not only addresses a crucial empirical gap in research on an understudied migration corridor, but also underscores the structural universality of gendered inequality in global labor migration. This need is particularly acute in emerging labor markets in Eastern Europe, including Romania, where demand for female migrant labor is rising in the absence of a sustainable protective ecosystem.
Reducing migrant women’s structural vulnerability requires moving beyond narrow legal compliance. It demands gender-sensitive protection frameworks that address both institutional gaps and everyday power relations. Effective protection must also confront the social and cultural conditions that normalize endurance, silence, and dependency. These measures will strengthen the legal protection of migrant workers. They will also contribute to a more equitable, safe, and sustainable working environment for women in the context of expanding global labor mobility. Strengthening protection ecosystems across institutions, policies, and community networks is therefore essential. It is a core condition for transforming migration from a process of endurance into a pathway for long-term and inclusive human progress under global labor mobility. It therefore underscores the urgent need for stronger oversight mechanisms in feminized and dependency-based migration corridors.
Even with a detailed account of the experiences of Vietnamese migrant women in Romania, several limitations should be noted. The qualitative design, small sample size, and time-bound data restrict generalizability and sensitivity to policy and labor market changes. Future research is also recommended to examine mental health and migrant women’s agency in greater depth, using a variety of research approaches to explore the long-term formation of migrant subjectivities and embodied experiences of precarity.
Competing Interests
The authors declare no competing interests.
Ethics Committee Approval
The research complied with the ethical guidelines of the Doctoral School of Sociology, University of Bucharest, and with the General Norms of the University of Bucharest Research Ethics Committee (No. 15042020).
Consent to Participate
All participants provided written informed consent prior to participation after receiving comprehensive information about the study. They were informed of their right to withdraw from the research at any time and were assured of data confidentiality.
Acknowledgements
This article was revised with the support of artificial intelligence tools used solely for language refinement and clarity, under full author supervision and responsibility for the content.
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