SUB-SAHARAN AFRICAN MIGRANTS’ USE OF DIGITAL TECHNOLOGIES FOR SOCIO-ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN MOROCCO

DOI: https://doi.org/10.26758/16.1.40

(1, 3) Pluridisciplinary Research Laboratory in Economics and Management (LARPEG), Faculty of Economics and Management, Sultan Moulay Slimane University, Béni-Mellal, Morocco. Emails and ORCID iDs: (1) ouqadir.y@gmail.com, https://orcid.org/0009-0000-3756-3307; (3) aicha_elalaoui@yahoo.fr, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7124-8527

(2) Graduate School for Social Research (GSSR), Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland, email: danieladdy74@gmail.com, https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2094-4976

(4) Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland, email: rsmoczyn@ifispan.edu.pl, https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3094-9148

Address correspondence to: Daniel ADDY, Graduate School for Social Research (GSSR), Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, Polish Academy of Sciences, Staszic Palace, Nowy Świat 72, Warsaw, Poland, Ph.: +48579264261 email: danieladdy74@gmail.com

Abstract

Objectives: This exploratory study investigates how digital technologies contribute to the socio-economic integration of sub-Saharan African migrants in Morocco. It examines the role of digital tools in facilitating access to employment, public services, social networks, and integration-related information, while identifying the main barriers to digital inclusion.

Material and methods: An exploratory quantitative research design was adopted. Data were collected from 40 sub-Saharan African migrants in Rabat using a stratified purposive sampling strategy. A structured questionnaire was administered through both face-to-face and online surveys, while non-participant field observations were conducted to contextualise migrants’ everyday digital practices. The data were analysed using descriptive statistical techniques in SPSS Statistics.

Results: The findings provide preliminary evidence that smartphones and social media platforms constitute essential resources for migrants’ daily socio-economic activities. Digital technologies facilitate access to employment opportunities, strengthen social and transnational networks, improve access to public services and integration-related information, and support broader socio-economic inclusion. Nevertheless, disparities in digital literacy and technological competencies continue to limit the benefits of digital technologies for some migrants.

Conclusions: The findings suggest that digital technologies represent an important mechanism for supporting the socio-economic integration of sub-Saharan African migrants in Morocco. While digital tools enhance access to economic opportunities, institutional information, and social support, their benefits remain uneven because of persistent inequalities in digital skills and access. The study contributes to the growing literature on digital migration by providing exploratory empirical evidence from the Moroccan context and highlights the need for targeted digital inclusion policies, including digital literacy programmes and equitable access to digital resources.

Keywords: digital technologies, digital inclusion, socio-economic integration, migrants, Morocco

Suggested citation (APA):

Ouqadir, Y., Addy, D., El Alaoui, A., & Smoczynski, R. (2026). Sub-Saharan African migrants’ use of digital technologies for socio-economic integration in Morocco. Anthropological Researches and Studies, 16, 626-644. https://doi.org/10.26758/16.1.40

Introduction

The integration of immigrants into host countries is a multidimensional process influenced by economic, social, cultural, and technological factors. Among these factors, digital technologies play a crucial role in facilitating migrants’ adjustment to their new environment. Digital technologies have reshaped human interactions and social structures globally (McAuliffe, 2021). Digital technologies play an important role in contemporary migration experiences. Digital instruments and platforms such as mobile phones, social media, and digital financial tools have facilitated transnational connections and fostered immigrants’ integration in host countries (Dekker et al., 2018). Social platforms such as Facebook, WhatsApp, and other digital services enable migrants to maintain contact with their families, establish social networks with peers and the local population, and access crucial information, such as job opportunities, healthcare services, and information on their rights. These technologies also facilitate participation in the informal economy, a sector in which migrants are often overrepresented (International Labor Organization (ILO), 2009). Moreover, non-governmental organizations such as the International Rescue Committee and tech-driven companies have designed digital platforms like Signpost and Tarjimly to bridge gaps between migrant populations and institutional services (Benjelloun, 2021). Nonetheless, national and regional powers use digital technologies to control migration through border controls and automated visa processing (McAuliffe, 2021). Many digital technologies used in migration governance are opaque and may contribute to lack of accountability and fairness (Godin et al., 2025). This has raised concerns about migrants’ rights, privacy, and the likelihood to aggravate inequalities (Nalbandian & Dreher, 2022). Despite these concerns, digital technologies continue to play a significant role in migrants’ experiences.

Digital technology evolution intersects with rising intra-continental mobility in Africa, especially from sub-Sahara to the Maghreb region. Morocco has been a destination and transit country for many sub-Saharan African migrants (Flahaux & De Haas, 2016). Sub-Saharan migrants use digital technologies to facilitate their mobility. Besides, sub-Saharan migrants’ integration is a complex and multifaceted issue. In Morocco, this integration encompasses economic, social, cultural, and political dimensions that presents many challenges. A critical question is how these populations can achieve sustainable integration into Moroccan society, both economically and socially, while overcoming the obstacles inherent in their migrant status. Within this context, digital technologies have emerged as strategic tools, offering unprecedented opportunities to address these integration challenges. Hence, digital tools provide migrants with resources to navigate their new socio-economic realities. Digital technologies contribute to the economic integration of migrants. For instance, Zijlstra and Liempt (2017) demonstrate that smartphones facilitate access to employment opportunities and administrative resources. Digital technologies have also boosted the profitability of small and medium size enterprises, especially those that adopted e-commerce and digital payment platforms (Rabbimjon o’g’li, 2024). Mahboub and Sadok (2024) examined the dynamics of digital transformation in the Maghreb and argued that digital technologies play an increasingly important role in facilitating access to economic services. Similarly, McAuliffe (2021) demonstrated that digital technologies have become integral to migrants’ access to employment, public services, and social support throughout the migration process. More recently, Godin et al. (2025) further emphasized that digital platforms shape migrants’ socio-economic integration by facilitating access to information, employment opportunities, and community networks across different migration contexts.

The rise of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in Morocco, particularly the increasing availability of smartphones and mobile internet, has transformed how migrants interact with their environment. For instance, Abdelkhalek et al. (2021) found that digital technologies have improved the Moroccan economic performance by creating more employment and reducing inequalities. A common digital technology is social media. Social media has transformed migration networks. Dekker and Engbersen (2014) illustrated that social media platforms enable migrants to overcome traditional barriers to integration and share essential information about employment opportunities and services. This dynamic can be observed in both the formal and informal sectors of the Moroccan economy. Social media also helps reduce migrant isolation. Komito (2011) asserted that virtual communities formed through social media reduce migrants’ social isolation. These platforms also strengthen self-help networks, which are particularly valuable in the Moroccan context, where integration is often driven by community initiatives. Similarly, Parham (2004) disclosed that migrants who are dispersed in their host country use the internet to sustain solidarity with their co-ethnic migrants.

Despite the numerous potential benefits of digital technologies, their use by migrants in Morocco is not without challenges. Barriers such as disparities in access to digital infrastructure, limited technological skills, unequal digital literacy, and concerns regarding data protection and over-reliance on social media platforms continue to affect migrants’ digital inclusion. These obstacles underscore the importance of developing digital inclusion policies that are responsive to the specific needs of migrant populations. Although previous research has widely documented the role of digital technologies in supporting migrant integration, relatively little attention has been paid to the Moroccan context, particularly regarding sub-Saharan African migrants. Previous studies have shown that information and communication technologies (ICTs) can facilitate socio-economic development and improve access to information and opportunities (Heeks, 2010). Research has also demonstrated that social media strengthens migrant networks and facilitates access to employment opportunities, information, and support services (Dekker & Engbersen, 2014), while digital technologies simultaneously create new forms of inequality related to access, digital skills, and technological capabilities (Latonero & Kift, 2018; Leurs & Smets, 2018). More recently, McAuliffe (2021) and Godin et al. (2025) argued that digital technologies increasingly shape migrants’ experiences throughout the migration process, influencing their access to labour markets, public services, and social integration. However, an in-depth and context-sensitive analysis of how digital inclusion interacts with informal labour markets, social cohesion, and digital skill disparities in Morocco remains limited. Consequently, this study examines the role of digital technologies in the socio-economic integration of sub-Saharan African migrants in Morocco. Specifically, it explores how these technologies facilitate access to employment opportunities, particularly within the informal labour market, strengthen social interactions with the local population through digital networks, and improve access to information, public services, and community support.

In the ensuing section, the theoretical framework applied in this study is discussed. The paper follows with a statement of the research problem and hypotheses. Subsequently, the data collection and analysis methods are explained. The territorial framework and economic mapping, and ethnographic field observation and document analysis methods are discussed in the data collection and analysis section. Next, the results of the study are presented and discussed. The paper ends with a conclusion section before listing the references.

The digital inclusion framework in migrant integration

The digital inclusion framework explains the interplay between technology access, capability, and empowerment among migrants (Heeks, 2010). This framework shows how access to and use of ICTs shapes migrant experiences. Thus, digital inclusion is the ability to access, use, and benefit from digital technologies in ways that enhance the quality of life of all individuals (Heeks, 2010). The framework encompasses five interrelated components including access, digital literacy, usage, safety, and impact. Digital expansion policies in Morocco have improved infrastructure and digitization since the 1990s. Yet, there have been notable disparities between the native and migrant communities that must be addressed (Elhazziti et al., 2023). Digital literacy is vital, especially for sub-Saharan migrants who may face cultural and linguistic barriers. Notably, Hassan and Naoual (2024) contended that successful integration can best be achieved when digital tools go beyond passive consumption and empower migrants to participate in civic and economic life. Digital technologies can worsen inequality if not combined with inclusive policies and skills development (Latonero & Kift, 2018).

Additionally, Portes and DeWind (2007) demonstrated that digital technologies influence migration networks by facilitating access to essential services and contribute to better integration among migrants. Castles et al. (2014) also proposed a comprehensive conceptual framework to analyze migration dynamics. They contextualized digital technologies within the broader migration discourse and highlighted that these tools help migrants to overcome barriers to their economic and social integration. The Moroccan government adopted digital technologies in the 1990s to enhance its public administration services. Over the years, digital technologies in Morocco have improved efficiency of public services by saving costs, improving processing time to meet deadlines, and exchanging digital data (Elhazziti et al., 2023). Digital inclusion of marginalized groups can enhance educational and employment outcomes, and foster social integration (Hassan & Naoual, 2024). However, the long-term success of these initiatives has been uncertain, highlighting the need for evidence-based frameworks to guide sustainable implementation.

Problem and hypotheses

The main research question is, to what extent do digital technologies contribute to the economic and social integration of sub-Sharan migrants in Morocco? From this main question, the following hypotheses were developed:

H1: The use of digital technologies by migrants facilitates their access to the labor market, particularly within the informal sector.

H2: Digital social networks play a crucial role in creating social bonds between migrants and the local population, thereby contributing to their social inclusion.

H3: Migrants with stronger digital skills experience faster economic integration than those with limited access to or low proficiency in these tools.

H4: Inequalities in access to digital technologies exacerbate disparities in the integration of migrants in Morocco.

Material and methods

Research Design

This study adopted an exploratory quantitative research design within a positivist framework to examine the role of digital technologies in the socio-economic integration of sub-Saharan African migrants in Morocco. Given the exploratory nature of the research and the relatively small sample size, the study sought to identify empirical patterns and generate context-specific evidence rather than produce statistically generalisable conclusions. Four theoretically informed hypotheses were used as an analytical framework to guide the interpretation of the findings.

Study Setting

The research was conducted in Rabat, Morocco, a major destination and transit city for sub-Saharan African migrants. Data collection focused primarily on the Takhfid Reda commercial centre, where many migrants engage in commercial and informal economic activities. To complement the questionnaire survey, non-participant field observations were conducted to better understand the everyday use of digital technologies within the migrants’ economic and social environment. These observations were used to contextualise the quantitative findings rather than as an independent source of empirical evidence.

Sampling Procedure and Participants

Because the target population is highly mobile and includes migrants with different legal and socio-economic situations, a stratified purposive sampling strategy was adopted. The sampling aimed to ensure diversity regarding gender, age, country of origin, legal status, educational attainment, and employment sector.

A total of 40 sub-Saharan African migrants voluntarily participated in the study. Participants were recruited through two complementary approaches. First, face-to-face recruitment was conducted at the Takhfid Reda commercial centre in Rabat. Second, the questionnaire was disseminated through migrant community networks using Facebook and WhatsApp in order to reach respondents who could not be contacted during field visits. Participation was entirely voluntary, and no financial incentives were provided.

Questionnaire Design

Data were collected using a structured questionnaire developed from previous studies on digital technologies, migration, and socio-economic integration (Dekker & Engbersen, 2014; Komito, 2011; McAuliffe, 2021). The questionnaire consisted mainly of closed-ended questions organised into four sections.

The first section collected socio-demographic information, including age, gender, educational level, country of origin, legal status, and employment characteristics. The second examined migrants’ access to and use of digital technologies, including smartphones, internet connectivity, social media platforms, and communication applications. The third explored the contribution of digital technologies to employment, access to public services, social interaction, and information related to integration. The final section investigated digital inclusion challenges, perceived barriers, and the types of support required to improve access to and effective use of digital technologies.

The questionnaire was reviewed for clarity and relevance before data collection and was administered both in paper format during field visits and electronically through online platforms.

Data Analysis

The collected data were coded and analysed using SPSS Statistics. Given the categorical nature of most questionnaire items and the exploratory design of the study, descriptive analyses were based primarily on absolute and relative frequencies (n, %). Nominal variables, binary variables, and ordinal or Likert-type response categories were therefore summarised using frequencies and percentages rather than means, standard deviations, standard errors, or variances. These measures were not calculated for nominal, binary, or multiple-response variables because their numerical codes do not represent continuous measurements.

For multiple-response questions, such as the types of digital technologies used, difficulties encountered, and forms of support required, each response option was treated as a separate categorical item. Percentages were calculated as the proportion of respondents in the total sample (N = 40) who selected each option. Consequently, percentages for multiple-response items may sum to more than 100%.

For ordinal items, response categories were retained in their original substantive form (e.g., “Not at all,” “A little,” “Moderately,” and “A lot”) rather than being treated as continuous numerical scores. Constant variables, for which all respondents selected the same response, were reported descriptively in the narrative rather than included as separate statistical indicators.

The analysis was descriptive and exploratory and was intended to identify patterns within the study sample rather than to establish causal relationships or statistically generalisable effects in the wider migrant population.

Operationalisation of the main variables

The main questionnaire variables were operationalised according to their measurement format. Employment status was measured as a binary variable (currently employed: yes/no), while employment sector and employment type were treated as nominal categorical variables. Perceived contribution of digital technologies to employment opportunities was measured using four ordered response categories ranging from “Not at all” to “A lot.” Frequency of digital interaction with the local population was measured using three ordered categories ranging from “Rarely” to “Very frequently.” Perceived helpfulness of social networks for creating local social ties was assessed using four ordered categories ranging from “Not at all” to “A lot.” Access to essential integration information, access to public services, and difficulties accessing digital technologies were measured using binary response categories. Difficulties in using digital technologies and support needs were measured as multiple-response items, allowing respondents to select more than one option. Satisfaction with digital technology use for socio-economic integration was measured using three ordered categories: “Unsatisfied,” “Satisfied,” and “Very satisfied.”

Territorial framework and economic mapping

Rabat, the administrative and capital city of Morocco, attracts an increasing number of sub-Saharan African migrants due to the density of its working-class neighborhoods, the relative tolerance of its residents, and the presence of a structured informal economic fabric. The Takhfid Reda shopping center, located in the heart of Rabat serves as an anchoring point for many migrants, particularly those in irregular situations or newly arrived. Its strategic location, easy accessibility via public transportation, and the diversity of economic activities it hosts such as informal and formal trade, services, food vending, hairdressing and beauty services, and many more, make it an important space for economic and social integration. As Morocco’s administrative capital, Rabat has become an important destination for sub-Saharan African migrants due to the concentration of public institutions, employment opportunities, and migrant support networks. The presence of well-established migrant communities facilitates information exchange, mutual assistance, and access to employment, while digital technologies further strengthen communication and social support among migrant groups (Khachani, 2009; Benjelloun, 2021; McAuliffe, 2021).

Figure 1

Survey site and presence of sub-Saharan migrants in Takhfid Reda center, Rabat (to see Figure 1, please click here)

The Takhfid Reda shopping center is a semi-formal commercial space located in a working-class neighborhood with a high concentration of migrants. This site represents a relevant micro-territory for studying informal economy, intercultural sociability, and the appropriation of digital tools by actors often marginalized in public policy frameworks. The market also functions as a space of mediation between social visibility and administrative invisibility, amid actual integration and symbolic precarity.

Ethnographic field observation and document analysis

The specification of the survey location went through a phase of ethnographic field observations. This non-participant observation phase, conducted within the Takhfid Reda shopping center in Rabat, allowed for documentation of actual digital practices, social interactions on the field site, the concrete barriers faced by migrants, and the forms of community-based digital solidarity. The study also draws on a set of secondary sources, including scientific literature on Sub-Saharan migration in Morocco, integration dynamics in intermediate cities, and public policies regarding regularization and inclusion.

Moreover, the urban environment of Rabat, particularly around the Takhfid Reda shopping center offers a privileged observation space for understanding everyday uses of digital technologies in migrants’ informal economic activities. Various audiovisual materials shared on social media reflect these digital practices in the urban space. These videos, often produced by the migrants themselves or their community networks, offer insights into self-organized commercial logics, diasporic solidarity circuits, and online economic visibility strategies, such as the promotion of goods via WhatsApp, informal advertising on Facebook Marketplace, or service presentations in closed groups. These digital productions contribute to building a subjective and transnational cartography of migrants in the city, making their movements, narratives, and adaptive mechanisms visible through images.

Results and discussions

The data collected were organized and descriptively analyzed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software. This helped to create a general profile of the sample and an overview of migrants’ use of digital technologies such as frequency of use, types of technology, and many others. We also examined relationships between variables including the use of digital technologies and economic or social integration.

Table 1

Presentation of socio-demographic data (to see Table 1, please click here)

Table 1 presents the socio-demographic data of the respondents to the study, grouped by various key variables. It provides an overall view of the sample composition in terms of gender, age, origin, education, length of stay, and migration status, which is useful for understanding the socio-demographic characteristics of the participants.

The results reveal a relatively young migrant population, predominantly male, with a relatively high level of educational attainment. Sixty percent (60%) of respondents were male, reflecting the common migration pattern in which men often migrate first in search of economic opportunities. Nevertheless, women represented a substantial proportion of the sample (40%), highlighting the increasingly diverse profile of sub-Saharan migration to Morocco. Furthermore, most respondents (82.5%) were between 18 and 34 years old, an age group typically associated with greater labour mobility and higher levels of digital technology adoption. This demographic profile suggests a favourable context for the use of digital technologies to facilitate socio-economic integration through employment search, access to information, and the development of social support networks.

The data further indicate that most respondents originated from West African countries, particularly Senegal (40.0%), Côte d’Ivoire (25.0%), and Cameroon (17.5%). This distribution reflects the composition of the study sample and is broadly consistent with established migration corridors linking West Africa to Morocco. As illustrated in Table 2, digital technology use was observed across all national groups, although its distribution largely mirrors the relative size of each nationality within the sample. Consequently, the findings should not be interpreted as evidence of differences in technology use between nationalities, but rather as an indication that digital technologies constitute an important resource for migrants regardless of their country of origin. Social media platforms and communication applications contribute to maintaining transnational ties while facilitating access to information, employment opportunities, and local support networks in Morocco.

Table 2

Frequency of interaction with the local population via digital platforms by country of origin (to see Table 2, please click here)

In terms of education level, 50% of respondents had attained secondary education, while 20% had completed tertiary education. This relatively high educational profile is favorable for economic integration, as well-educated migrants are more likely to proactively use digital technologies to search for jobs, develop their skills, and navigate the formal labor market. Those with lower levels of education may be more restricted to informal employment, with less access to the opportunities digital technologies can offer. Moreover, the distribution of employment type shows that 17 respondents (42.5%) reported formal employment, whereas 23 (57.5%) reported informal employment. Informal employment therefore represented the larger employment category in the sample. However, the relationship between educational attainment and employment type should be interpreted descriptively, given the small sample size and the non-probability sampling strategy. This shows that migrants rely on the informal economy to overcome their labor market disadvantages (Damelang et al., 2021).

Table 3

Education Level vs. Economic Integration (to see Table 3, please click here)

Regarding length of stay, 88% of respondents have been in Morocco for more than a year, with 35% staying between three and five years. This relatively long duration suggests that many have moved beyond the initial adaptation phase and are now looking to establish themselves more stably. For those who have been in Morocco for more than a year, digital technologies are becoming a vector for sustainable economic and social integration, helping them navigate public services, administrative procedures, and the labor market.

Migration status shows an equal distribution between regular and irregular migrants. This distinction is essential, as legal status strongly influences access to public services, the formal labor market, and other essential resources. Regular migrants benefit from easier access to basic services and can use digital technologies to seek formal employment and training. Irregular migrants, on the other hand, may be more dependent on technology to access crucial information and find opportunities in the informal sector, where they often face more precarious working conditions.

Figure 2

Respondents’ use of digital technologies (to see Figure 2, please click here)

The results in Figure 2 show widespread use of smartphones among respondents, with all respondents (100%) owning a smartphone and using it daily. The ubiquity of smartphones highlights their crucial role in users’ daily lives, particularly for staying connected and accessing information. Internet access is also widespread, with 95% of respondents saying they connect regularly. Because respondents could report more than one means of access, mobile data (100%) and Wi-Fi (90%) emerge as complementary rather than mutually exclusive channels, with most respondents relying on both; no respondent reported using a cybercafé or another method. This pattern suggests a high degree of digital autonomy, particularly for users who combine a fixed connection with mobile coverage while on the move. In terms of devices, the smartphone is used by all respondents (100%), followed by the tablet (60%) and the laptop (57.5%); since respondents could select more than one device, these figures reflect the proportion of the sample using each type rather than mutually exclusive categories. This diversity of devices shows that respondents are adapting to their specific needs, while favouring the portability and practicality of smartphones. Regarding social networks, Facebook and WhatsApp are used by all respondents (100%), followed by Instagram (87.5%). This underscores the importance of these platforms for communication and social interaction. The low use of Twitter (2.5%) suggests a preference for networks that focus more on visual sharing and instant messaging. Overall, smartphones and certain social applications, such as Facebook and WhatsApp, play a central role for these users, enabling them to access the Internet easily, stay informed, and maintain social connections. These results show the importance of digital technologies for staying informed and connected.

Analysis of descriptive data

Each of the following tables summarizes the results for one of the four main hypotheses, followed by an interpretation of the statistical indicators and a verification of the corresponding hypothesis.

Hypothesis 1: The use of digital technologies by migrants facilitates their access to the labor market, particularly in the informal sector

Table 4

Use of Digital Technologies and Access to Employment (to see Table 4, please click here)

Employment status and sector of activity

The results shown in Table 4 reveal that most respondents were currently employed (75.0%, n = 30), while a smaller proportion (25.0%, n = 10) reported not currently having a job. Concerning the sector of activity, commerce was the most frequently reported sector (35.0%, n = 14), followed by other or unspecified activities (25.0%, n = 10), construction (20.0%, n = 8), and domestic services (20.0%, n = 8); no respondent reported working in agriculture. These sectors are largely accessible, often informal economic activities that do not require extensive formal qualifications. Regarding employment type, a majority of respondents described their work as informal (57.5%, n = 23) rather than formal (42.5%, n = 17), consistent with the informal sector’s central role in migrants’ economic activity in Morocco. Regarding the perceived contribution of digital technologies to employment opportunities, most respondents reported that digital tools had helped a lot (42.5%, n = 17) or moderately (35.0%, n = 14), while smaller proportions reported a little (20.0%, n = 8) or no perceived contribution (2.5%, n = 1). Because sector of activity, employment type, and perceived contribution are nominal or ordinal categories rather than continuous scales, these variables are summarised using frequencies and percentages rather than means and standard deviations.

Assessment of hypothesis 1

The findings provide preliminary evidence consistent with hypothesis 1, suggesting that digital technologies may facilitate migrants’ access to employment opportunities. The descriptive results indicate that most respondents were employed in the informal sector and perceived digital tools as beneficial for identifying employment opportunities. However, the reported benefits varied across respondents, reflecting differences in their socio-economic circumstances and patterns of digital technology use. Given the exploratory nature of the study and the relatively small sample size, these findings should be interpreted as indicative rather than statistically generalisable.

These findings are broadly consistent with the work of Dekker and Engbersen (2014), who argued that digital technologies have transformed migrants’ access to labour market information by expanding social networks beyond traditional face-to-face interactions. Similarly, Komito (2011) highlighted that online social networks facilitate the accumulation of social capital, enabling migrants to identify employment opportunities and maintain professional connections. However, unlike studies conducted in European contexts, the present findings suggest that digital technologies primarily support access to employment within Morocco’s predominantly informal labour market. This highlights the importance of considering national labour market characteristics when assessing the contribution of digital technologies to migrant integration.

Hypothesis 2: Digital social networks play a crucial role in creating social ties between migrants and the local population, contributing to their social inclusion.

Table 5

Social Networks and Social Inclusion (to see Table 5, please click here)

Table 5 shows how frequently migrants interact with Moroccans through digital platforms. Interaction was reported as frequent by a large majority of respondents (80.0%, n = 32), with a further 7.5% (n = 3) reporting very frequent interaction and only 12.5% (n = 5) reporting rare interaction; digital platforms therefore appear to support frequent, rather than merely occasional, contact with the local population. Respondents were less consistent in how helpful they perceived social networks to be for creating social ties with the local community: the most common response was that social networks helped a little (45.0%, n = 18), followed by moderately (27.5%, n = 11), a lot (17.5%, n = 7), and not at all (10.0%, n = 4). This suggests that although digital contact with Moroccans is frequent, respondents do not necessarily perceive this contact as translating into strong social ties. All respondents (100%, n = 40) reported participating in online groups or communities aimed at migrants, indicating that this form of digital engagement is universal within the sample. Among these respondents, a large majority (95.0%, n = 38) reported that these groups had helped them access essential information for their integration, while 5.0% (n = 2) reported that they had not.

Assessment of hypothesis 2

The findings provide preliminary evidence consistent with Hypothesis 2. The descriptive results suggest that digital interactions between migrants and the local population are frequent for most respondents, although perceptions of how much these interactions help build social ties are more mixed, with ‘a little’ the most common response. Participation in online groups dedicated to migrants was universal among respondents and was generally perceived as a valuable source of information and support for the integration process. Overall, these findings indicate that social media platforms and online communities may contribute to strengthening social networks and facilitating the social inclusion of sub-Saharan African migrants by improving access to information, social support, and community resources. Given the exploratory nature of the study and the relatively small sample size, these findings should be interpreted as indicative rather than statistically generalisable.

These findings are also consistent with previous research emphasising the importance of digital communication in strengthening migrants’ social networks. Komito (2011) argued that online communities enable migrants to maintain transnational relationships while simultaneously developing new social ties in host societies. Likewise, Dekker and Engbersen (2014) demonstrated that digital communication technologies reduce social isolation by facilitating access to information and community support. In the Moroccan context, the present study suggests that WhatsApp groups, Facebook communities, and other digital platforms represent valuable mechanisms through which sub-Saharan African migrants exchange practical information, receive social support, and strengthen their sense of belonging.

Hypothesis 3: Migrants who are more proficient in digital technologies benefit from faster economic and social integration than those with limited access or poor digital proficiency.

The role of digital technologies in facilitating access to public services was also examined. Responses were evenly split: exactly half of respondents (50.0%, n = 20) reported that digital technologies had helped them access public services in Morocco, while the other half (50.0%, n = 20) reported that they had not. This even split indicates no clear majority in either direction, rather than a generally positive perception, and may reflect differences in digital literacy, familiarity with online administrative procedures, or patterns of technology use. Regarding obstacles to digital integration, all respondents (100%, n = 40) reported that they had not encountered significant obstacles when using digital technologies for their social integration. Because both variables are binary, they are reported here as percentages rather than in a separate table.

Assessment of hypothesis 3

The findings provide preliminary evidence that is broadly consistent with Hypothesis 3. The descriptive results suggest that many respondents regularly interact with the local population through digital platforms, indicating that digital technologies may facilitate social interaction and access to integration-related resources. Perceptions of whether digital technologies had helped respondents access public services were evenly divided, suggesting that experiences in this domain are mixed rather than uniformly positive, and may reflect differences in digital literacy, technological skills, and familiarity with digital tools. Furthermore, the absence of any reported obstacles to digital integration suggests that, within this sample, participants generally did not perceive digital technologies as a barrier to their social integration. Overall, these findings indicate that greater digital competence may be associated with more frequent social interactions, although its association with access to public services appears less consistent. However, given the exploratory nature of the study and the relatively small sample size, these findings should be interpreted as preliminary and context-specific rather than statistically generalisable.

The present findings are broadly consistent with studies highlighting the role of digital technologies in facilitating migrants’ access to institutional information and public services. McAuliffe (2021) emphasised that digital technologies increasingly shape migrants’ interactions with public institutions throughout the migration process. Similarly, Zijlstra and Van Liempt (2017) demonstrated that smartphones have become essential tools for accessing information, navigating administrative procedures, and reducing uncertainty in host countries. Although respondents’ experiences of using digital technologies to access services were mixed rather than uniformly positive, the observed differences in digital competencies suggest that technological access alone is insufficient without adequate digital literacy.

Hypothesis 4: Inequalities in access to digital technologies amplify disparities in the integration of migrants in Morocco.

Table 6

Inequalities in Access to Digital Technologies and Integration Disparities (to see Table 6, please click here)

The findings indicate that access to digital technologies was generally not perceived as a major challenge among respondents: a large majority (82.5%, n = 33) reported no difficulties accessing digital technologies, while a smaller proportion (17.5%, n = 7) reported some difficulty. Respondents could also indicate, from a list of options, the specific difficulties they encountered when using digital technologies; because more than one option could be selected, percentages do not sum to 100%. The most frequently reported difficulty was a lack of equipment, such as a smartphone or computer (57.5%, n = 23), followed by the high cost of connectivity (40.0%, n = 16), limited internet access (15.0%, n = 6), and a lack of digital skills (7.5%, n = 3); a further 7.5% (n = 3) reported another type of difficulty. Regarding satisfaction with digital technology use for socio-economic integration, most respondents reported being satisfied (55.0%, n = 22) or very satisfied (35.0%, n = 14), while a smaller proportion (10.0%, n = 4) reported being unsatisfied. Finally, respondents identified the types of support they considered necessary to improve their access to digital technologies; the most frequently cited needs were equipment lending, such as computers or smartphones (70.0%, n = 28), and digital skills training (57.5%, n = 23), followed by access to free or low-cost internet connections (20.0%, n = 8).

Assessment of hypothesis 4

The findings provide preliminary evidence that is broadly consistent with Hypothesis 4. Although most respondents reported having access to digital technologies, the descriptive results suggest that disparities in digital literacy, digital skills, and the effective use of digital tools may influence migrants’ integration experiences. Furthermore, the results relating to digital access indicate that some respondents experienced difficulties associated with internet connectivity, the cost of digital services, or limited access to digital equipment. These constraints may reduce the extent to which migrants are able to benefit from digital technologies for employment, access to public services, and social participation. Most respondents also expressed satisfaction with their digital integration, although a minority reported being unsatisfied, suggesting that differences in digital access, technological skills, and available support may shape integration experiences. Overall, the findings suggest that digital inequalities may contribute to differences in the socio-economic integration of sub-Saharan African migrants in Morocco. However, given the exploratory nature of the study and the relatively small sample size, these findings should be interpreted as preliminary and context-specific rather than statistically generalisable.

These findings are broadly consistent with previous research on digital inequalities among migrant populations. While digital technologies may facilitate socio-economic integration, their benefits are not equally distributed. McAuliffe (2021) argues that digital inclusion depends not only on physical access to digital devices but also on the skills and capacities required to use them effectively. The present study extends this perspective by suggesting that differences in digital literacy, digital access, and technological competencies may influence migrants’ ability to benefit from employment opportunities, social support, and institutional services in Morocco. These findings highlight the importance of complementing digital infrastructure with targeted digital literacy initiatives and improved access to affordable digital resources for migrant communities.

Taken together, these observations contribute to the growing literature on digital migration by providing exploratory empirical evidence from Morocco, a context that remains relatively underrepresented in international migration research. While previous studies have largely focused on Europe and North America, this study demonstrates that digital technologies also play an important role in facilitating employment, social networking, and access to public services among sub-Saharan African migrants in Morocco. At the same time, it highlights the persistence of digital inequalities that may limit the benefits of digital technologies for some migrants. These results therefore extend existing knowledge by illustrating how the contribution of digital technologies to migrant integration is shaped by the specific socio-economic characteristics of the Moroccan context.

Overall, the descriptive analyses suggest that digital technologies constitute important resources for the socio-economic integration of sub-Saharan African migrants in Morocco. Nevertheless, the exploratory nature of the study and the limited sample size require that these findings be interpreted with caution. Further research based on larger and more representative samples is needed to confirm the observed patterns.

Limitations of the study

The primary limitation of this research is its restricted sample size (N = 40), which limits the statistical power and the broad generalizability of the findings. Consequently, the study is predominantly exploratory. Additionally, the reliance on self-reported data regarding digital usage and integration may introduce response biases. Future research should involve larger, multi-city cohorts across Morocco and employ longitudinal designs to track integration trajectories over time.

Conclusion

This exploratory study examined the contribution of digital technologies to the socio-economic integration of sub-Saharan African migrants in Morocco. The findings provide preliminary evidence suggesting that digital technologies constitute valuable resources for facilitating access to employment opportunities, strengthening social networks, improving access to public services, and supporting the overall integration process. Smartphones, social media platforms, and digital communication tools appear to play an important role in helping migrants access information, maintain transnational connections, and develop local support networks.

However, the findings also indicate that the benefits associated with digital technologies are not equally distributed among migrants. Differences in digital literacy, technological competencies, and the effective use of digital tools may influence migrants’ ability to benefit from employment opportunities, institutional services, and social support. These results suggest that digital inclusion should be understood not only in terms of access to technology but also in relation to the skills and capacities required to use digital resources effectively.

From a theoretical perspective, this study contributes to the growing literature on digital migration by providing exploratory empirical evidence from the Moroccan context, which remains relatively underrepresented in international migration research. While previous studies have primarily focused on European and North American contexts, the present research suggests that digital technologies also represent important mechanisms supporting the socio-economic integration of sub-Saharan African migrants in Morocco. At the same time, it highlights the persistence of digital inequalities that may influence migrants’ integration experiences.

From a policy perspective, the findings suggest that promoting digital inclusion among migrants requires more than expanding access to digital infrastructure. Public institutions, civil society organisations, and migration stakeholders may also consider strengthening digital literacy programmes, improving access to affordable internet services, and developing multilingual digital platforms that facilitate migrants’ access to employment opportunities, administrative procedures, and essential public services.

Finally, given the exploratory nature of the study and its relatively small sample size, the findings should be interpreted as preliminary and context-specific rather than statistically generalisable. Future research based on larger and more diverse samples, combining quantitative and qualitative approaches across different Moroccan regions, would provide a more comprehensive understanding of how digital technologies shape the socio-economic integration of migrants.

Competing Interests

The authors declare that they have no competing financial or non-financial interests that could have influenced the work reported in this paper.

Ethical Considerations

This research’s ethical approach was approved by the Laboratory of Research in Economic Policy, Innovation and Development (RIPED), Faculty of Economics and Management, Sultan Moulay Slimane University, Béni Mellal, Morocco. The study complied with fundamental ethical principles governing research involving human participants. Participation was voluntary, and informed consent was obtained from all respondents before the questionnaire was administered. Participants were informed of the objectives of the study, their right to decline participation or withdraw at any time without consequence, and the confidential treatment of the information they provided. To protect participants, no personally identifiable information was collected, and all responses were anonymised prior to analysis. Particular attention was paid to protecting the privacy of migrants. The collected data were used exclusively for academic research purposes.

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