TRADITIONAL SOCIAL NETWORKS OF VIETNAMESE PEOPLE: STRUCTURE, OPERATIONAL MECHANISM AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE DIGITAL CONTEXT

DOI: https://doi.org/10.26758/16.1.32

(1) Vietnam Women’s Academy, e-mail: dungltk@hvpnvn.edu.vn, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5692-0768

(2) Vietnam National University, University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Hanoi, Vietnam/Faculty of Social Work, University of Regina, Canada, e-mail: lanctxh@ussh.edu.vn, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0780-5595

(3) Sydney Retina Clinic and Day Surgery, Sydney, Australia, e-mail: Linhcu96@gmail.com, https://orcid.org/0009-0002-0158-3757

Address correspondence to: Lan Thi Thai NGUYEN; Phone: +84 0982203925; Email: lanctxh@ussh.edu.vn

Abstract

Objectives. Vietnam, a developing nation with abundant social capital, has long fostered strong traditional social networks rooted in family and community ties. In modern society, these networks have expanded significantly through the Internet, enhancing social connectivity while introducing new potential risks. This paper aims to summarize the characteristics of traditional Vietnamese social networks while evaluating both the advantages and limitations of online social networks. Its ultimate goal is to promote the benefits and address the drawbacks of each type of emerging social network.

Materials and Methods. This study employs the synthesis and analysis of secondary data to systematize existing research on social networks. A total of thirty-two academic sources were reviewed to identify the key characteristics of various types of social networks, thereby providing a foundation for individuals to strategically develop their own.

The selected documents were analyzed using content analysis, guided by keywords such as social networks, social relations, Vietnamese social networks, social capital, and the Internet to locate data sources for content analysis. A common limitation of these documents is that most of them focus on the social networks of specific demographic groups, while there is a lack of a comprehensive study on Vietnamese social networks both in the past and present. Nevertheless, the collected data serve an essential role in supporting, illustrating, and validating the study’s arguments.

Results. Findings indicate that Vietnamese social networks have expanded considerably in recent years, driven by improved economic conditions that enhance opportunities for contact, communication, and social interaction. Technological advancements have further accelerated this expansion. Traditional social networks, which are established and maintained through direct interpersonal interaction, have not diminished; instead, they have evolved in parallel with online networks. While online social networks surpass traditional ones by eliminating spatial and temporal limitations and allowing more flexible forms of engagement, they also present greater potential risks and vulnerabilities.

Conclusions. Social networks are intrinsically linked to individual social capital. Both traditional and online Vietnamese social networks offer valuable opportunities while presenting distinct challenges. Therefore, it is essential for individuals to recognize the strengths of each type and adopt appropriate strategies to maximize their benefits while mitigating potential drawbacks. This study contributes to the contextualization of social network theory by conceptualizing traditional Vietnamese networks as a unique form of soft institution grounded in reciprocity and trust. Furthermore, it offers a theoretical and policy-oriented framework for sustaining community cohesion and social resilience amid rapid digital transformation.

 Keywords: family relations; neighborhood relations; social network; tradition; social capital

Suggested citation (APA):

Le, D. T. K., Nguyen, L. T. T. & Cu, N. T. L. (2026). Traditional social networks of Vietnamese people: Structure, operational mechanism and transformation in the digital context. Anthropological Researches and Studies, 16, 497-511. https://doi.org/10.26758/16.1.32

Introduction

Social networks are one of the foundational structures reflecting the organization and level of social cohesion of a community, manifested through relationships between individuals and family, clan, friends, community, and social institutions. The origins of social network studies began with classic anthropology and sociology works (Barnes, 1954; Mitchell, 1974; Simmel, 1955), later developed by scholars, such as Granovetter (1973) with the “strength of weak ties” theory, and Lin (1999) with social mobility theory. These theories all emphasize the role of social networks in mobilizing resources and forming social capital – a concept understood as resources that can be mobilized through sustainable social relationships (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Hoàng, 2009; Putnam, 2000).

In Vietnam, traditional social networks are composed of three main relationship groups: kinship relations (family, clan), locality relations (village, neighborhood) and occupational relations (colleagues, peers). These relationships not only ensure the daily operation of community life but also play the role of informal social institutions in regulating behavior and building trust among individuals (Abrami, 1997; Hoàng, 2009; Lê, 2008). Moreover, forms of mutual support, such as grief‑wedding (hiếu‑hỷ), labor exchange, visits, material sharing or symbolic gifting, all show that traditional networks operate based on the foundation of voluntariness, the circulation of obligation and customary social exchange (Mauss, 1990; Nguyễn, 2013).

However, most existing research only focuses on analyzing certain discrete aspects of traditional social networks, such as the role of networks in finding jobs (Granovetter, 1973), in migration decisions (Đặng, 1998; Lê, 2008), or in the operation of the informal economy (Chen, 2014, cited in Nguyễn, 2013, p.133). These studies often are limited to specific subject groups, such as students, migrants, and informal workers (Cao & Nguyễn, 2015), lacking a systematic approach to the structure, mechanism, and overall social meaning of traditional networks in Vietnamese life. In the context of Vietnamese society undergoing dual transformations – from an agricultural society to an industrial society, and from a subsidized mechanism to a market economy – the need to re-identify the role of traditional social networks becomes particularly urgent (Lê, 2008).

The article sets the central question: How are Vietnamese traditional social networks structured and operated, and how are they adapting to the expansion of digital connectivity? On this basis, this article aims to synthesize and systematize the core characteristics of Vietnamese traditional social networks, including structural stratification, operating mechanisms, cultural and social values, and their role in forming social capital, from which to identify the possibility of transformation and adaptation in the digital context. Through qualitative document analysis, the article provides a comprehensive view of how these social networks operate, sustain, and reproduce themselves in daily Vietnamese life, while also pointing out both their positive values and internal limitations, as well as the capacity for expansion and restructuring of social networks via the Internet. The research results are expected to contribute to the localization of social network knowledge from a Vietnamese perspective, expanding global social network analysis beyond the dominant Western theoretical framework, while also providing a practical basis for strengthening community resources in a transforming society.

Theoretical Foundations

Research on social networks originates from twentieth-century sociology and anthropology theories, with foundational contributions from many scholars. Those considered pioneers in network research include Barnes (1954), Mitchell (1974), and Wolfe (1978); however, the one seen as laying the foundation for network analysis is Simmel (1858–1918). Simmel brought the concept of “social connectivity” to be one of the main topics in sociological analysis. According to Simmel (1955), the concept of social connectivity is understood as a set of relationships between an individual/group and other individuals/groups (Degenne & Forsé, 1994, p.38). Later sociologists of the Chicago School operationalized Simmel’s concept into research topics, such as neighborhood relations, family relations, and friendship relations in urban life (Bidart, 1988). Degenne and Forsé (1994) defined a social network as a collection of social relationships in which each individual (actor) maintains multidimensional connections with others through forms of social interaction. The structural approach regards social networks as a system including nodes (representing individuals or organizations) and ties representing relationships between nodes. The diversity, density, and centrality of these ties determine each individual’s access to resources and social influence.

An important contribution to network theory is Granovetter’s work (1973), who affirmed that weak ties – which are not frequent and not close – play a prominent role in disseminating information and creating opportunities for social mobility. This approach redirected network research away from friendly relationships toward the analysis of the strategic function of looser connections.

Meanwhile, social capital theory has become a deeply developed branch in network research since the late twentieth century. Lin (2001) defines social capital as all resources available or mobilizable through participation in social networks. Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992) approach social capital from the perspective of power structure, arguing that it results from maintaining institutionalized social relations, through which individuals and groups can access and control resources, such as information, economic resources, and social support. From there, social networks are not only a communication tool but also a space producing social inequality. Putnam (2000) expands this understanding from a community perspective, viewing social networks as foundations promoting cooperation and social cohesion, especially in community development and democratic institutions. Social networks can provide social support, self-esteem, identity, and a sense of control (Brown & Harris, 1978; Cohen & Syme, 1985). Both informal and formal networks are essential components of “social capital,” a resource generated when people cooperate for a common benefit (Cattell, 2001).

In Vietnam, traditional social networks blend the formal form (institutions of family, clan, village) and the informal form (friends, neighbors, colleagues), thereby forming a flexible and sustainable social support system. Layton (1997, p. 37), drawing on Linton’s concepts of status and role, explains that the operation of a social network is associated with the concepts of role, status, and social group, reflecting hierarchical social organization based on kinship relations and collective obligation. At the same time, traditional networks in Vietnam not only play a role in daily support but also function as soft institutions shaping behavior, responsibility, and social expectations in a post‑agrarian context.

In summary, the theoretical framework of this study inherits three main axes: (1) analyzing network structure and diffusion function (Granovetter, 1973); (2) approaching social capital as a mechanism of accumulation and reproduction of social resources (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Lin, 2007); (3) interpreting social relations as culturally embedded institutions that shape social behavior in traditional communities (Malinowski, 1944; Radcliffe-Brown, 1952). This approach lays the foundation for localizing the social network concept in the Vietnamese context, while contributing to expanding the global discourse on cultural diversity in social network structure and function. On that basis, the article applies a multi-layered approach – combining network‑structure analysis, social capital and soft‑institution theory – to explain the operation and restructuring of traditional social networks in Vietnamese society.

Figure 1 shows that the integration of these three theoretical axes constitutes a “localized network institutional model,” representing a theoretical adaptation that acknowledges the specific socio-cultural logic of Vietnamese networks. This framework not only applies Western theories to the Vietnamese context but also reinterprets them through indigenous patterns that shape everyday social life in Vietnam.

Figure 1

Integrated theoretical framework of Vietnamese social networks (to see Figure 1, please click here)

Materials and Methods

This study employs the method of synthesis and secondary document analysis (qualitative document analysis) to reconstruct and systematize the core characteristics of traditional social networks in the Vietnamese cultural–social context. This method was chosen to leverage the analytical depth of existing academic works, while also meeting the requirement to generalize a complex social phenomenon closely tied to the local context.

Specifically, the research process took place in three stages:

(1) Listing and selecting documents: A total of 35 academic and practical documents were selected through searches in highly rated academic databases, such as Google Scholar, JSTOR, ResearchGate, the National Library of Vietnam, and university libraries. The keywords used included: “social network,” “social relationships,” “social capital,” “Vietnamese traditional social network,” “community communication,” “family and clan,” and “social cohesion.”

(2) Classification and thematic coding:

To identify recurring themes and patterns of meaning that emerged in the source material, the authors carried out a classification process that was conducted through multiple rounds of reading and cross-referencing. The coding was performed independently by the research members, and the results were then compared to ensure objectivity according to the inter-coding reliability guidelines of Mouter and Vonk Noordegraaf (2012).

Five main content groups were formed based on two main criteria, including frequency and conceptual coherence of the themes: (i) theoretical foundation of social networks and social capital; (ii) structural and hierarchical characteristics of traditional networks; (iii) operational mechanisms, exchange, and social trust; (iv) the role and influence of traditional networks on individual and community life; (v) the transformation of social networks in the digital context. This classification was done manually with a thematic coding process aimed at identifying repeating patterns, main theoretical arguments, and cross‑comparison of findings across sources.

(3) Content analysis and general synthesis: Based on the coding structure, the content of the documents was analyzed by linking main arguments with the Vietnamese cultural–social context, while also comparing with models of social networks in East Asia (China, South Korea) to emphasize local particularities and value. To ensure objectivity and reliability, theoretical citations were cross‑checked from many independent sources, particularly peer‑reviewed international works.

With this method, the research not only synthesizes existing academic knowledge but also reconstitutes dispersed assessments into a systematic analytical framework, thereby highlighting theoretical and practical values of traditional social networks in contemporary Vietnamese society.  However, this paper is a meta-analysis based on available data rather than an empirical study. The entire analysis is based on secondary sources rather than field data collection, so it lacks direct observation and in-depth qualitative evidence. The authors also acknowledge that this approach is only a preliminary foundation, the issue needs to be verified and expanded by field research in the next stage.

Results

1. Hierarchical structure and operating logic of traditional social networks

The traditional social network of the Vietnamese is established on three foundational relationship axes: kinship (family, lineage), locality (village, neighbors), and occupation (colleagues, trade peers). This structure not only reflects the division of social functions but also forms a system of intertwined support across micro-, meso-, and macro-levels (Hoàng, 2009). Among these, the micro-level – such as parent-child relations, close relatives, immediate neighbors – plays a central role in the process of accumulating and maintaining personal social capital.

According to the theory of social capital (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Lin, 2001), access to and mobilization of resources depends on the individual’s position in the network structure and the density of connections. Traditional networks in Vietnam not only provide material and spiritual support but also serve as a space where individuals build and transform their social status. An individual can simultaneously be a member of a lineage, a village, and a trade guild – creating an embedded structure that enables flexible resource mobilization, while it also maintains inequalities through unwritten conventions about hierarchy, gender, age, and social position.

Stratification is also shown in differences in the ability to connect and control information among groups. Individuals holding key positions – such as clan heads, village elders, commune officials, or household leaders – often act as “central nodes” controlling the flow of information and support (Lê, 2008; Nông, 2009). This organization is similar to Granovetter’s (1973) notion of the strategic role of ties in information transmission, but here it is internalized through local rules and community norms.

Additionally, the stability and sustainability of traditional networks are maintained through the cycle of gift – reciprocation – social obligation. Acts like condolence, wedding gifts, seasonal help are not only cultural rituals but also a form of “social investment” to affirm personal prestige. This is an informal institution, but highly effective in community governance, reflecting the intertwined logic of support, obligation, and reproduction of social power (Mauss, 1990).

In summary, the traditional social network of the Vietnamese is a complex system, where individuals both receive support and are positioned and bound by micro-level power structures. This operating logic helps the traditional network remain flexible in times of change, but also poses challenges for institutional reform if latent social mechanisms inside indigenous networks are not identified.

2. Maintenance mechanisms: Reciprocity, social trust, and social exchange

One of the notable features of traditional social networks in Vietnam is that they are mainly maintained through informal social mechanisms, including: obligatory reciprocity, social trust, and social exchange rules. Unlike modern administrative institutions based on legal regulations and institutional enforcement, traditional networks operate through soft rules – shaped by community history, local culture, and long-standing emotional relationships.

The social reciprocity mechanism plays a central role in ensuring the regeneration and redistribution of resources within the community. Forms, such as helping with weddings, funerals, labor exchange in crop seasons, support in accidents or natural disasters are not merely acts of “give and take,” but a system of circulating social obligations. According to Mauss’s (1990) classic analysis, gifts are never “free” but always come with an obligation to return, thereby maintaining a sustainable “mutual obligation cycle”. As it is described by Hoàng (2009):

In village life, events in people’s daily activities such as filial piety (death anniversary, funeral), joy (wedding, housewarming, first birthday, full month celebration, wishing for children to pass university entrance exams, wishing for new motorbikes, etc.) or visiting others when they are sick, in trouble, or encountering risks in life, etc. often have a very high community character, attracting a large number of people in the village or hamlet to participate even if they are not brothers or relatives. (Hoàng, 2009, p. 48).

Thus, for those who represent commitment to participate in the network, thus affirming the individual’s position and social prestige in the community.

Social trust plays the role of “social glue” that helps maintain the network’s stability and sustainability. In traditional networks, trust is not only based on kinship or locality but also accumulated over time through appropriate behavior, adherence to communal norms, and fulfilling social obligations in a timely manner. Implicit conventions such as “give and take,” “don’t be absent at family events,” or “don’t miss an emergency when a relative is in trouble” create implicit behavioral norms with strong binding power, though not legalized. Violation of these norms, such as refusing to contribute to a funeral or not attending family death anniversaries, can result in being “excluded” from the social network: i.e., individuals are no longer mobilized when needed, excluded from support flows, and suffer a serious decline in social reputation (Hoàng, 2009). This is a form of informal punishment with high effectiveness in maintaining community order and preserving social network cohesion.

Notably, social exchange is not limited to material giving, but also includes other forms, such as trust-based loans, unpaid help, or skill/information/advice transfer. These actions establish a chain of indirect exchanges, which can be “repaid” with gratitude, patronage, or opportunities for introductions into new networks. This mechanism demonstrates the dynamic and non-material nature of traditional social capital, where reputation, prestige, and gratitude are exchanged as social assets (Hoàng, 2009; Lê, 2008).

Overall, the three mechanisms – reciprocity, trust, exchange – construct an effective soft institution system in maintaining and reproducing traditional social networks. Thanks to these mechanisms, traditional networks can sustainably endure social – economic fluctuations, while adapting to new network forms in the digital age without losing their foundational identity.

3. Social capital and community cohesion

From a functional perspective, the traditional social network of Vietnamese people plays a central role in the process of forming, accumulating, and mobilizing social capital – a concept understood as the total of available resources or those that can be mobilized through social relationships (Lin, 2007). In rural and semi-urban communities, the network includes family, kinship, village, and occupational peers, which not only provide material support such as finance, employment, but also build spiritual values like reputation, social recognition, and community identity (Cao & Nguyễn, 2015; Nguyễn, 2013). These traditional networks operate as a social institution intertwined between formal and informal ones. Under conditions where state institutions have not fully covered – especially in rural and remote areas – local social networks become substitute systems for resource distribution, conflict resolution, support for the vulnerable, and maintaining community order (Lê, 2008). Unlike policy networks and hierarchical administrative systems, traditional networks operate through implicit rules based on prestige, social obligation, and interaction history, thereby helping individuals to “access” support flows more flexibly.

In a study involving 1,430 household representatives across five provinces in Vietnam, Cao and Nguyễn (2015) identified a notable empirical indicator of the effectiveness of traditional networks. The average number of close friends – defined as those with long-term, trusted relationship – was 5.9 – significantly higher than that reported in South Korea (3.74) and the United States (3.11). This figure reflects not only a high level of interpersonal connectivity and network density but also a strong readiness for interaction and social sharing among members – an essential feature of bonding social capital.

Social trust is reinforced through everyday interactions, reciprocal behavior, and relational history, which is the “social glue” maintaining community cohesion. In traditional networks, trust is not based on legal institutions but is built through accumulated experience between people, through moral proof, loyalty, and fulfillment of social obligations. This trust allows the community to maintain social order without administrative management tools, thereby creating an effective and indigenous form of soft governance. Overall, the traditional social network of Vietnamese people is not only a functional resource in daily life but also a cultural institution playing the role of social coordination, building identity, and maintaining community cohesion in the context of increasingly fragmented modern forms of linkage. This characteristic has important reference value in the global discourse on combining indigenous social networks and sustainable social development models.

4. The ambivalence of traditional social networks 

Traditional social networks, although playing a central role in maintaining social capital and community cohesion, also inevitably have inherent drawbacks stemming from their structure and operating mechanisms. The tightness and closed nature of the networks, which are strengths in preserving identity and maintaining social support, can also become barriers to innovation, social mobility, and multidimensional integration in the modern context. A clear manifestation of this downside is the phenomenon of “nepotism” and localism when resource allocation decisions, recruitment, or cooperation often prioritize “known” people, those from the same lineage, village, or guild. Overdependence on kinship and village relations easily leads to network narrowing, where individuals are confined within a social safety zone, limiting opportunities to expand connections beyond traditional network spaces. This can reduce self-reliance motivation and slow adaptation to new social linkages in the context of rapid changes in occupational structure, residential space, and value standards (Lê, 2008). On the other hand, traditional networks can also become mechanisms for reproducing social inequality. Central positions in the network, such as clan leaders, village officials, household heads… are often maintained on the basis of tradition, inherited prestige, or social capital accumulated over generations rather than based on competence or actual contribution. This creates an informal but sustainable stratification where vulnerable individuals find it difficult to access support flows and rise on the social ladder. In some cases, “unwritten” norms in the network may maintain gender bias, age prejudice, or xenophobia, limiting social transformation capacity and cultural creativity.

This ambivalence – both as supportive institutions and spaces for reproducing inequality – is a prominent feature of indigenous social networks globally (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Wellman, 2001). In the context of Vietnam, as society transitions from traditional bonding models to digital and global linkages, the requirement is to actively restructure and regulate traditional networks to preserve core values but simultaneously overcome endogenous limitations.

This is also the theoretical and practical foundation for the next discussion section, where this study will deeply analyze the adaptability and reshaping capacity of traditional social networks in contemporary society – an urgent issue in global research on connectivity and network governance.

5. Expansion and hybridization of traditional social networks through the Internet

The emergence and rapid development of the Internet has marked a strong transformation of Vietnam from a traditional society to a digitally connected society, with a penetration rate among the highest globally. From 1997 to now, the number of Internet users in Vietnam has grown dramatically, from 3.1 million people (in 2003, accounting for 4.1% of the population) to over 60 million people in 2020 (Nguyễn, 2013; Nguyên, 2020) and 79.8 million Internet users in early 2025, with an online access rate of 78.8 percent and 76.2 million social media users as of January 2025, equivalent to 75.2 percent of the total population (Datareportal, 2025). The Internet is not only a communication tool but is becoming a “new living space” – as early noted by Mai Liêm Trực (former Deputy Minister of Post and Telecommunications) – where social relationships are reshaped in form, frequency, and influence level (Nguyễn, 2013). This process shows a “structural hybridization,” where traditional social networks are not erased but expanded, extended, and restructured through the Internet platform. Kinship, village, and occupational relations previously limited by geography and mobility conditions are now reconnected, restored, and maintained with higher intensity through compatriot groups, clans, online occupational communities, alumni groups, neighborhood resident groups…

Empirical evidence from the study by Trịnh et al. (2015) shows that on average, each young Vietnamese has up to 419 friends on social networks, of which 36.3% are completely new friends, and 10% are old friends reconnected. This is a clear indicator showing that online social networks are not only spaces for forming new relationships but also tools to “re-establish memory connections,” bringing old social networks back into current personal life. Unlimited connection in time and space also helps expand social networks beyond national borders, forming transnational social networks – something traditional networks cannot do (Castells, 2011). These groups, although lacking shared kinship or locality, are maintained by the mechanism of “repeated interaction – interest resonance – information circulation,” which are soft rules similar to mechanisms in traditional networks such as giving – reciprocating – trust. Thus, traditional social networks are not obscured but strengthened by technology. Occasions like Tet, festivals, the national great Unity Day (November 18), or professional commemorative days (November 20 – Vietnamese Teachers’ Day, July 27 – Vietnamese Doctors’ Day…) still maintain community cohesion, even being organized on larger and deeper scales thanks to the Internet. This proves the potential of hybrid network models, where tradition and modernity do not eliminate each other but create a multi-layered, mutually supportive, and adaptive social ecosystem in the globalization context.

However, problems of new social networks cannot be ignored. Internet dependence is proven to have a positive correlation with loneliness, especially among youth (r = 0.342; p < 0.01) (Nguyễn & Nguyễn, 2020; Turkle, 2017). This shows a modern social paradox: as networks expand, the sense of connection is not proportional to the quality of attachment. “Surface linkage” replaces “deep bonding” – blurring the boundary between real support and superficial interaction. Additionally, online networks create “hidden stratification” in access – when individuals with digital literacy and social media skills have better abilities to expand networks effectively. Meanwhile, vulnerable groups – the elderly, rural women, disabled people – risk exclusion from new networks or face higher risks due to lack of self-protection capacity in the digital space. This is a form of “digital inequality” that must be seriously acknowledged. Another notable aspect is the process of personal identity construction in cyberspace, often leading to excessive “self-presentation” behavior. Individuals strive to build a good image to gain recognition from online communities – sometimes detached from the real identity. The tension between the “virtual self” and the “real self” can lead to psychological pressure, identity crises, especially among youth in their social identity formation stage. In a survey of 1,477 adolescents, over 50% showed signs of psychological stress related to social network activities (Nguyen et al., 2025). Besides, it must be acknowledged that online social networks have high “looseness,” manifested in temporariness, flexible withdrawal, and lack of clear social responsibility. Without regulation by appropriate cultural-legal institutions, online social networks can erode traditional values such as trust, obligation, and reciprocity, which are the foundations of social capital in East Asian communities.

From the above analysis, we classify and summarize the main characteristics of traditional Vietnamese social networks and their interaction with the Internet in the digital context (Table 1).

Table 1

Main characteristics of traditional Vietnamese social networks and interaction with the Internet in the digital context (to see Table 1, please click here)

Discussions

The analysis of the traditional social networks of the Vietnamese shows a social relationship model with a soft institutional nature, organized interwovenly among the kinship, locality, and occupational layers, operating through three main mechanisms: reciprocity, social trust, and social exchange. This is a model of strong social cohesion but with high endogeneity, focusing on social obligations and positions established based on community norms. While most Western social network theories, typically Granovetter (1973) with “weak ties,” Lin (1999) with the capacity to mobilize social capital, or Burt (2001) with “structural holes”, focusing on connection efficiency and social mobility capacity, the traditional Vietnamese network represents a cohesion model based on obligations, community recognition, and pre-existing social hierarchical structures. This is a fundamental difference, indicating the necessity of localizing social network theory in studying non-Western societies. Compared to studies in the East Asian region, some similarities can be recognized in the formation of networks based on kinship and locality (Yan, 1993; Yang, 1994). However, the traditional social network in Vietnam has a higher level of social symbiosis, where material and spiritual exchange behaviors are not simply conditional transactions but are tightly connected with community obligations, social roles, and cultural continuity. Participation in funeral and wedding rituals, contributions to ancestral death anniversary ceremonies, or support for harvest seasons not only reflect sociability but also are ways to maintain social membership — a factor often missing in Western modern social network models (Hoàng, 2009).

The next difference lies in the operational form of the network. While Western open-form social network models allow individuals to freely choose, withdraw, and shape networks based on personal interests (Wellman, 2001), the traditional Vietnamese network is a closed system with a high level of binding, in which filial piety norms, community obligations, and collective honor are controlling behavioral factors. This creates stability and sustainability for the network but at the same time reduces adaptability to the rapid changes of modern society such as globalization, migration, or community fragmentation. From an academic viewpoint, this study contributes to the global discourse on social networks by proposing a localization model in which factors such as lineage, residential community, and traditional social status are placed as central analytical points. This model expands the scope of social capital theory by including concepts such as “network culture” — the set of norms, rules, and values governing the structure and operational logic of networks in specific social contexts. At the same time, it also allows understanding networks as soft institutions, where community trust and norms partly replace the state’s role in controlling behavior, maintaining order, and ensuring social welfare at the grassroots level.

However, the study also points out that traditional networks — with characteristics such as locality, closedness, and conservatism — can become barriers in the modernization context. The reproduction of privilege through traditional central positions, the maintenance of inequality through network channels, and the lack of capacity to accept cultural differences are major challenges to the flexibility of traditional networks. Therefore, this study not only affirms the value of traditional social networks as a unique social resource in a non-Western context but also emphasizes the necessity of restructuring and reconnecting traditional networks with more open forms of social networks — such as professional networks, digital linkages, interregional community networks — to create a flexible and adaptable network ecosystem for the transforming Vietnamese society. This is precisely the theoretical and practical opening for effective sustainable community-based development strategies in the context of globalization and post-industrialization.

The above analysis shows that the Vietnamese social network is not just a simple relationship structure, but also a manifestation of a unique “network culture”. That network culture fully represents the moral values, trust and mutual support that form the foundation for social operation. Nowadays, the digital transformation process is inevitable, when traditional relationships do not disappear but are reshaped into “hybrid networks” that both maintain direct connections and expand into the online space with a more flexible and multi-layered form. However, this hybridization also poses new challenges regarding the reliability, equality and sustainability of social connections.

It is in this context that the sustainable values of “cultural cohesion” formed from shared memories, rituals, and community sentiment become the factors that keep Vietnamese social networks sustainable in the context of transformation. Understanding the interaction between network culture, hybrid networks and cultural embeddedness helps to explain the dynamics of social networks in the digital age on the one hand, and on the other hand lays the foundation for the synthesis arguments developed in the Conclusion.

Limitations and future research

This study has several limitations. Although it sought to systematically reconstruct existing knowledge and conduct cross-comparisons among multiple academic sources, its reliance entirely on secondary data presents inherent gaps. Textual materials – while rich and diverse – cannot fully capture the lived realities of how traditional social networks operate in the specific life of each community. The authors recognize that the absence of field data may obscure regional variations, generational differences and gendered experiences. Moreover, certain subtle dynamics, such as shifts in reciprocity between younger and older generations or restructuring of social networks in new urban areas – remain difficult to discern through documentary sources alone. Additionally, limitations common to secondary analysis, including publication bias, uneven geographic representation, and demographic gaps, also apply to this study. Accordingly, this article should be regarded as an initial foundation, intended to stimulate further engagement with empirical practice through future field research.

Conclusion

This study does not start from an ambition to generalize theory but from a very ordinary need — how to understand the way Vietnamese people bond, exchange, help each other, and also bind each other in daily life? On this foundation, the article proposes a view of traditional social networks not only as a collection of functional connections but as a soft institution — closely linked with status, obligations, community trust, and collective memory. By localizing social network theory through introducing concepts like “network culture,” “hybrid networks,” and “cultural cohesion,” the study contributes to expanding the academic discourse long dominated by Western models.

Not stopping at the conceptual framework, the analyses in the article also highlight the practical role of traditional networks in social regulation, filling institutional gaps, and maintaining community cohesion, especially where the state and market have not yet reached. Traditional networks here are not remnants of the past but a living part, continued, restored, and reshaped in the digital space. That is where village memories, clan rituals, professional mutual support… still continue — even if in the form of a Zalo group or Facebook status updates. There, we see the remarkable continuity and adaptability of a local institution.

However, the author group is also clearly aware of the methodological limitations: relying entirely on secondary documents prevents access to all micro-, regional-, or generational nuances in network operation. This is an open invitation for field studies to verify, dialogue, and enrich what has been established here. Moreover, in the context of Vietnamese society entering a rapid digitalization period, studying forms of “hybrid networks,” where technology and local culture operate simultaneously, is not only academically meaningful but also opens policy-relevant implications for community development, social technology application, and consolidating trust from connections once very familiar in Vietnamese life.

Competing interests

The authors declare no competing interests.

Ethical Approval and Consent to Participate

The study did not involve human participants; therefore, ethical approval from an Ethics Committee was not required. The research adhered to the ethical guidelines of the VNU University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Hanoi, as stipulated in Decision No. 4589/QĐ-XHNV (2023), ensuring the integrity and validity of the analysis.

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